When I took my first trowel strokes, as a field school student at the historic Hudson’s Bay Company Fort Victoria (c.1864 – 1898), Alberta in 1974, I knew immediately I could get to like this work. Nearly fifty years later that feeling remains.
Canada has a long, colourful, and often tumultuous fur trade history. The fur trade, in beaver pelts, was the prime economic driver of early Canada for over three centuries. However, the trade was often viewed with either disdain or opportunity by Canada’s First Nations people who participated in it.
“Of what use to us are the skins of beavers, wolves, and foxes? Yet it is for these we get guns and axes.” (First Nations leader, Kootenae Appee, c.1808, recorded by David Thompson)
What the people of the Canadian fur trade did and how they lived is preserved in the thousands of documents left behind by Company officers, clerks, explorers, and first missionaries. It was occasionally captured in paintings by frontier artists such as Paul Kane.
But fur trade history is also preserved in the remains of many fur trade forts constructed across Canada as it expanded westward in search of new fur-rich lands. Often those fur trade forts left behind a rich archaeological record.
Alberta is no exception. In fact, the then AthapuskowCountry in today’s northern Alberta, was among the richest fur districts in North America. When American fur trader Peter Pond first discovered it in 1778, he acquired so many furs that he had to cache some because he couldn’t take them all back to Montreal.
I am often asked, how many fur trade establishments were there in Alberta? According to our Alberta inventories, that number is over 300. We are probably missing a few forts that were never recorded in the sometimes ‘sketchy’ historic documents. And as Alexander Ross’s description of Fort Assiniboine suggests, some of these places hardly deserved the name ‘fort’.
“…a petty post erected on the north bank of the river, and so completely embosomed in the woods, that we did not catch a glimpse of it until we were among huts, and surrounded by howling dogs and screeching children. At this sylvan retreat there were but three rude houses….and there was not a picket or palisade to guard them from either savage or bear. This mean abode was dignified with the name of fort.” (HBC Fort Assiniboine, 1825, described by Alexander Ross)
Many of these forts have not been found. Often their locations were poorly documented. The physical evidence they left behind is difficult to see in the dense bush when traipsing through Alberta’s densely forested river valleys.
In the dense bush of the Peace River floodplain, there are only a few hints suggesting a fur trade post once existed there – mounds representing collapsed building fireplaces and depressions representing cellars or some other type of pit. Occasionally faint depressions marking the ditches dug to place in the palisade pickets for the fort walls, still appear on the surface of the ground.
But even these features are often hard to see. Despite having found the Boyer River fort site thirty years earlier, it took over an hour to relocate a few depressions and mounds in the dense undergrowth of the Peace River floodplain.
The fur trade documentary record leaves many things to be desired. It is often a biased, one-sided description of the trade and the more important members operating in it. Company workers and Indigenous people have little or no voice in those documents.
Despite being an incomplete testimony of human history, the archaeological remains we find reflect not only the lives of a literate few but also those of the many Company servants and Indigenous peoples living at the posts who left no written record behind. Their lives are reflected in the dwellings they lived in, the possessions they made or bought, and the food they ate.
Fur trade society was stratified, primarily by one’s occupation, ethnicity, and gender. The fur trade archaeological and documentary records reveal that those individuals in the highest positions had access to the best resources. Officers’ quarters were bigger, and better constructed than those of the servants 4.
“…while the exterior is fair enough with its winter porch, protected doors, the inside was somewhat of a maze and more like a rabbit warren is supposed to be, both in excess of occupants…” (George Simpson McTavish describing the servants’ quarters at an inland fort)
The schematic drawing of the buildings at the North West Company Fort George (c.1792 – 1800) is a case in point. This drawing was completed primarily from archaeological remains since no map of the fort existed. The men’s quarters on the left housed the Company workers and their families, sometimes holding up to 10 – 12 people in tiny, confined single rooms. These dwellings were dwarfed by Chief Trader, Angus Shaw’s two-storey Big House, where he and his family resided.
The personal possessions of the Fort population inform us about their gender, beliefs, and cultural affiliations. For example, early in the fur trade when metals were new to Indigenous people, old, leaky copper pots and larger pieces of silver were repurposed and made into jewelry.
Copper and silver tinkling cones and tags, likely made by the Indigenous wives of Company men, were highly prized objects often replacing or incorporated with traditional shell and bone adornment. They also remind us of the importance of women in the trade and everyday operation of the forts.
The inequality existing among fur trade ranks is also reflected in their diet. During the early years of the western fur trade, wild game made up most of the food fort personnel ate. Often our fur trade posts contain an abundant, rich array of faunal remains.
Those animal bones, along with the surviving documents, show the large quantities of meat eaten by fort personnel. Meat and fat were rationed differently, depending on employees’ rank and position at the fort. Officers and their families often had more and better cuts of meat and were given more of the highly prized fat.
“…we have finished a Glaciere containing 500 thighs & shoulders for the consumption of April & May…” (Clerk, Duncan McGillivray, Fort George, 1794-95, describing the amount of meat required to feed the fort inhabitants.)
That amount of meat, representing 500 animals (likely bison), consumed over approximately sixty-one days, averages out to about most of eight bison a day required to feed the 160 hungry mouths at Fort George.
Category
Fresh Meat
Dried Meat
Pounded Meat
Grease
Officers Mess(2 persons)
2250 lbs
57 lbs
57 lbs
105 lbs
Officers Families (6 adults)
4283
159
6
108
Engages (8 persons)
7752
576
576
18
Engages Families (3 adults)
2612
148
148
4
Meat rations at Fort Vermilion II, 1832-33. While the Engages and their families are getting less fresh, dried, and pounded meat than the officers, they received far less fat per individual than the Officers and their families. 6
Despite the Northwest’s seemingly endless supply of resources, the fur trade’s impact on game animal populations soon showed, often in ugly ways.
“…we learn from Mr. McTavish that they are in a starving condition at Lac Verd, there being forced to pick up the fish Bones which they threw out last fall to prolong their miserable existence.” (Journal of Duncan McGillivray, 1794-95)
Alberta’s fur trade era, and that of the rest of Canada, has left a rich and varied historic footprint. It represents not only how an elite, literate portion of the population of the fur trade lived, but also how the rest of the many employees, representing a diverse number of ethnic groups, fared. While considered a darker side of Canadian colonialism, it nevertheless is part of Canadian history and cannot be ignored.
Pyszczyk, Heinz. 1992. The Architecture of the Western Canadian Fur Trade: A Cultural-Historical Perspective. Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada, Bulletin 17(2):32-41[↩]
D from Kate Duncan. 1989. Northern Athapaskan Beadwork. A Beadwork Tradition. Douglas and McIntyre, Vancouver.[↩]
“…colours are the mother tongue of the subconscious” (Karl Jung)
“Even if people don’t think too hard about the colours they prefer, they are subconsciously programmed to associate certain colours with specific situations and emotions: and this is true for adults all over the globe.” 1
Note: I’ve posted two blogs about beads in human antiquity and those we find in western Canada during the post-contact period (starting approximately c.1680). In them you will find many examples of glass bead types, found in an array of colours. In this third, and final blog I’ll examine one glass trade bead attribute in considerably more detail – colour.
I’ve always been fascinated by colour. Beautiful hues and shades of red, blue and green are found both in nature and on the objects humans make.
Often I don’t know why I choose one colour over another. Others, however, know where to look for answers. As the title of this blog suggests, contemporary Indigenous beaders, such as Anishinaabe Malinda Joy Gray, know where to find their ‘spirit colours’. In their dreams. 2
Therefore, to better understand colour, I study it. Not only from my personal perspective. But from those of others as well. I examine how we choose a colour with one of the most colourful historic objects that humans ever made – beads. Beads, fashioned from every conceivable material throughout history, in almost every conceivable colour.
Nor it seems do others. Oh, I understand why plants are green and water is blue. Why hares are brown in the summer and white in the winter. But I’m often baffled why humans choose certain colours. Because when you look closely at their choices, there often are no set rules for doing so. Or obvious reasons for their choice. There are exceptions. But for the most part, humans choose colours for a host of reasons which are often very difficult to unravel and explain.
In this blog, I’ll examine the selection of historic bead colours more closely. First, I’ll start with a little background on why we choose specific colours, and how they affect us. Then, with a current example that we all can relate to, how we choose the colour of our automobiles. Finally, I’ll examine the colours of historic glass trade beads from Canada and the United States. Did Indigenous people prefer specific colours of beads over others and, if so, why? It’s a fascinating journey that takes us from the practical to some very unorthodox ways of thinking about colour. And the world we live in.
Theories of Colour Choice and Effects
“There isn’t really a rational influence to our decisions other than the color evokes an emotional and physiological response in us. Ultimately we decide what colors we like because of what we associate them with and the meaning that accompanies them.” 3
Theories about human colour choice can be divided into two basic categories: 1) theories about how certain colours affect us; and, 2) theories about why we choose certain colours.
Different colours evoke different feelings in humans. Research shows that blood pressure and EEC scores differed when subjects looked at a certain coloured sheet of paper. 3 For example, red produced a higher anxiety state in people than blue.
The reason why people choose certain colours is often associated with the cultural meanings of those colours. But, here things get a little tricky. Certain colours do not project the same meaning in different cultures, countries, or even regionally. Nor do they historically. 4
“In Japan, the color yellow is associated with courage whereas in parts of the American south it can be slang for cowardice. In many Latin American cultures, it’s the color of mourning and death. In China, yellow can have vulgar connotations. In Germany, you go yellow—not green—with envy. Head over to the Middle East and you’ll find yellow is imperial and sacred (not purple, which is associated with royalty in European cultures) often worn by members of the ruling or royal classes.” 1
However, we can make a few generalizations about colour choice and meaning. For example, people in different countries liked blue, green and white the most which often also had similar meanings (i.e., white = purity, cleanliness). However, they also liked black and red, but the meaning of those colours varied cross-culturally.
Currently, the most popular theory of why humans choose certain colours is referred to as Ecological Valence Theory. In short, this theory states that humans prefer certain colours over others because of objects they either like or dislike associated with that colour. 5
“…people often like blue hues because it reminds them of clear skies and clean water. On the other hand, people tend to shy away from brown hues because they remind us of feces or rotting food… 6
I happen to own a pair of brown pants. As an archaeologist who often works in the dirt and associates it with good things, perhaps that’s the reason I’m among the few who like brown.
Some researchers have even gone so far as to suggest that is difficult if not impossible to find a negative object to associate with blue. In other words, there are few blue objects we think about negatively.
Other theories state that colour has functions. For example, the colours you choose inform others about yourself, your family or your group. Or, certain objects are certain colours because of their high degree of visibility. According to one researcher, among the western Canadian Metis, many objects such as firebags, mitts, and whips were highly colourful so they wouldn’t get lost. 7 I can relate to this idea. When working in the boreal forest we tie bright orange flagging tape to our equipment so we don’t lose it in the dense foliage.
Whatever the reason(s), the choice of colour and the feelings we associate with it, is far from a random event. Whether we consciously know it, or not.
The Colours of the Automobiles We Drive
Before examining why people preferred certain glass bead colours historically, we’ll first look at colour choice in an object we all can relate to. The colour of our automobiles.
In a recent article in Autoloansolutions, the three main reasons people pick certain colours for their automobiles are: 1) Personal preference; 2) Resale value; and, 3) Bird droppings. 8
Yes, you read right. Bird Droppings! According to some studies, for whatever reason, birds like to dump most on red and blue cars.
As already suggested certain colours have certain meanings in human cultures and therefore signal to others something about you. In the automobile article, for example, black = intrigue/mystery; blue = confidence/integrity/stability; red = aggressive/expensive; white = innocence/purity.
However, according to colour symbolism experts, each of those same colours may have different meanings in different countries throughout the world. But, studies have shown, regardless of where you live on this planet and what those colours signify, black, white, and silver are the top colours for automobiles.
And this is where resale value comes in. If you want to eventually sell your car, you might pay attention to the most popular colours for cars (if they’re still in style when you want to sell). Given today’s colour preferences, no one’s going to buy that bright neon green auto of yours.
My Automobile Colour Study
I did a little automobile colour study in Alberta (Canada), Iceland, Istanbul (Turkey), and Stellenbasch (South Africa) this past year. I picked spots at random and counted the number of different car colours. My sample size ranged from 52 – 115. Today colours are no longer primary or secondary but different shades of grey, blue, silver and white; and a dizzying array thereof. I simply chose the one that was closest to a primary and secondary colour.
“Gray is the color of intellect and of compromise. It’s a diplomatic color, negotiating all the distance between black and white. We typically consider gray to be conservative, elegant, and cool, though it can be a bit mysterious. We think of gray as solemn and serious, the color of business suits and sophistication.”9
What theories about colour, including my automobile study, basically point out is that even though there is considerable overlap of colour choice among peoples throughout the world, there is often a difference in the ranking of those preferences in different parts of the world. And the meaning of those colours is not constant in the world. The meaning of black differs in the Muslim and Western world. Grey is considered a very conservative colour in the West. In China silver is a symbol of wealth, cleanliness, and purity; in Germany, sophistication.
The bottom line is that trying to interpret meaning from colour, only leads to a diverse array of possibilities. Many of which cannot be determined if we cannot ask people about them. Such as the historic period. That is because, if Ecological Valence Theory has any merit, people’s choices of colour are based on their associations and history with it – either bad, good or perhaps neutral. Many of those associations and histories are different to some degree. However, what is also interesting is that white, silver, and grey are all seen as positive, regardless of their different specific meanings.
Therefore, if we simplify these results, we might conclude that the most popular colours are associated with positive objects, feelings and meanings, regardless of what those are. When we dive into the murky past, this fundamental fact becomes important, because we cannot always determine precisely what meanings or significance of colours were for a diverse North American Indigenous population.
A Description of Fur Trade Glass Bead Colours in Historic Canada
“Oh I love all colours, I go to a store where they have beads and I imagine all kinds of flowers and I pick up everything when I’m in there – colours I don’t have. I must have over 200 kinds of colours…” (Isabelle Dorion Impey, Cumberland House, northern Saskatchewan, Canada) 10
Sources of Information and Accuracy About Historic Glass Bead Colours
Information about fur trade bead colours and varieties comes primarily from historic White written records and fur trade archaeological collections. And, unfortunately, less so from historic Indigenous written or oral accounts.
The accuracy of these types of historic evidence varies. Written accounts can be biased or records vague, or incomplete. But while there are problems, it should be kept in mind that Euro-Canadian traders had to be accurate about Indigenous bead preferences because their very business depended upon it.
Glass beads recovered from the fur trade archaeological record reflect both what was used by Indigenous women living in the forts and what was traded to Indigenous people regionally.
Basic Characteristics of Colour and Its Description
To better understand glass bead colours we first have to know a few things about colour. Not only what different colours look like, but how they are categorized and described.
The standardization of different colours first started with Issac Newton’s colour wheel in 1666, and eventually to other standardized schemes including the Munsell colour system, developed by Albert Munsell in the early 1900s.
The charts classify colours numerically based on three categories in three-dimensional space: hue, value (lightness/darkness), and chroma (intensity of colour). Hue refers to basic colours, such as red, green, blue, etc. In the Munsell system, these are given letter codes, i.e. Red (R), Yellow-Red (YR), Green (G), Green-Yellow (GY) and so on. Value is how light or dark a colour is. In the Munsell system, value is indicated with a number, i.e. 2, 4, 6 and so on. The value scale runs vertically and moves from lightest (at the top) to darkest (at the bottom) in descending order, so a 2 is going to be lighter than a 6. Chroma refers to the degree of strength of a colour. Chroma ranges from 2-14 (upwards of 30 for colours in the fluorescent family). Archaeologists, when researching glass bead colour, also refer to diaphaneity – the degree of transparency or opacity of a bead, or, the quantity of light that can travel through a bead.
However, the Munsell Colour Chart is not the Holy Grail of colours. Based on my personal experience, the problem with this colour scheme is threefold: 1) it wasn’t used historically to describe colours; so the historic colours don’t match the Munsell colour descriptions; 2) it isn’t used consistently by archaeologists; and, 3) people see colours of objects differently depending on their eyesight, the degree of light present, or even the degree of moisture in sediment, for example. These problems, added to the fact that glass bead batch colours were often not standardized, make for an interesting stew.
“All told, therefore, there is room for considerable variation in colour, and 18th-century and earlier beads differ considerably in this regard from those made in the 19th and 20th centuries when strict standardization became the rule.”14
I am certain that European glass bead makers devised their bead colours using some sort of basic standard scheme, as some of the descriptions of historic bead colours suggest. For example in the Fort Union, Montana inventories, glass beads are listed as ‘blue, white, chalk white, red, green, black, yellow, coral, Cornelian, mock garnet, milk white, agate, sky blue, and purple. 15 While all the basic hues are listed, value, and chroma are absent or somehow embedded in the colour’s name. Milk or chalk white might be descriptors for diaphaneity, in this case likely ‘translucent’ or ‘opaque’. If you look up ‘Cornelian’, it refers to a variety of oranges and reds to almost black, which if we don’t have the bead, really doesn’t tell us much. And ‘sky blue’ likely refers to a bead’s value on the lightness/darkness scale, but where exactly is often difficult to determine from the name in the historic documents.
While determining a bead’s colour by using the various colour wheels has its drawbacks, the importance of these colour descriptions of glass beads recovered in the archaeological record is considerable, given the often poor, inconsistent historic documentary descriptions available. However, many of the archaeological bead colour descriptions are of our making, often based on the colour wheel such as Munsell’s. But, at least we can assign photographs of the beads with these descriptions, giving readers the opportunity of seeing these colours.
In the table below, is a word description of glass seed bead colours, from the American Fur Company (1858-59). Since colour wheels and some sort of standardization were already common then, would these colours also be similar to what we call them today?
Before delving further into glass bead colour, my final warning is that at a comparative level, between different glass bead assemblages collected archaeologically, the data are a minefield to be trodden through carefully. And so is the photography of different glass bead colours in the available publications. According to archaeologist Steven Devore, there is colour distortion when looking at photographed beads. He is one of the few researchers who try to get around this problem by using a colour bar in his photographs and describing exactly what Munsell colour it represents. I have borrowed his idea and applied it to some of the figures below.
Archaeologists come in two forms when it comes to categorizing glass bead colour. There are ‘lumpers’ and there are ‘splitters’. Some archeologists have used the Munsell Colour chart extensively (listing hue, value, and chroma); others to a lesser extent when analyzing bead colours. Still, others haven’t bothered with variety/shades of colours. They use mostly colour hue in their descriptions, with some degree of ‘value’ (light, medium, dark), and ‘diaphaneity’ (transparent, translucent, opaque). As we shall see shortly, both methods have their advantages and disadvantages.
Below is an example of a range of glass bead colours taken from both American and Canadian fur trade forts from western North America. The colour varieties go from one extreme to the other and are often difficult to compare unless the actual bead is illustrated in colour.
Bead Color
NWC George (1792-1800)
Nottingham House (1801-03)
Fort D’Tremble (1791-98)
Fort Union (1829-67)
Fort Vancouver (1829-66)
Amber
x
x
Light amber
x
Reddish amber
Yellowish amber
x
Amethyst
x
Opaque black
x
x
x
x
x
Blue
x
x
x
x
x
Light blue
x
x
x
Shadow blue
x
x
Turquoise blue
x
x
x
Aqua blue
x
Dark blue
x
x
Dutch blue
x
Medium blue
x
Dusty blue
x
Copen blue
x
Grayish blue
x
Purplish blue
x
Light purplish blue
x
Dark purplish blue
x
Dark brown
x
Cinnamon
x
Colorless
x
x
x
Green
x
x
x
x
x
Light green
x
Dark pale green
x
x
x
x
Aqua green
x
x
x
Apple green
x
Palm green
x
x
x
Yellowish green
x
Light gold
x
x
Light gray
x
x
Pink
x
x
Light pink
x
Light purple
x
Bluish purple
x
Light reddish purple
x
Dark purple
x
x
Red
x
x
Red-blue
x
Brownish red
Light red
x
Dark red
x
x
Dark purplish red
x
Opague redwood
x
x
Rose
x
Light cherry rose
x
Rose wine
x
x
x
Ruby
x
x
Scarlet
x
Turquoise
x
Bright turquoise
x
Opague white
x
x
x
x
x
Oyster white
x
Pale yellow white
x
Yellow
x
x
x
x
Greenish yellow
x
Varieties =
11
20
21
19
29
Basic colors =
8
6
8
9
9
The presence of glass bead colour hues and varieties (according to value, chroma, and diaphaneity). Some archaeologists list basic hues and diaphaneity, and perhaps a value. While others, such as Lester Ross, National Parks Service, go into considerably more detail in glass bead colour description. I will consider Ross’s bead colour descriptions in more detail below.
Archaeologist Wayne Davis lists glass bead colours for twenty-six historic fur trade sites and Indigenous sites in Canada and the USA, but keeps it relatively simple: white, blue, black, green, yellow, red, pink, purple, turquoise, amber, grey, magenta, orange, clear, and violet. Each of those basic colours could be opaque, translucent, or transparent, resulting in a slightly different value and chroma, and thus ultimately a different shade of colour. 18
Bead Color
Period I: 1700-1740
Period II: 1741-67
Period IIIa: 1768-80
Period IIIb: 1781-1820
Period IV: 1821-36
1837-1850
Brittany
x
Blue op
x
xxx
x
xxx
xx
Gobelin
x
Blue tls
x
x
xxx
Fern green
x
x
Black
xxxxx
xxx
xxx
xxx
xxx
xx
White op
xxxxx
x
xxxx
xxxxxx
xxx
Magenta op
x
Magenta-black
xx
Red op
x
xxxx
x
Amber-black
Green op
x
xxxx
xx
Yellow op
x
xxx
x
Purple
xxxx
x
Brown, dark
xx
Yellow-black
xx
blue tls
x
x
xx
Green, tsl
xxxxxx
Clear
xx
x
xxx
xx
Magenta tsl
xx
Light Blue tsl
x
xx
x
Dark Blue tsl
xx
x
x
xx
xxx
Violet tsl
x
Maroon op
x
Green, dark op
x
Violet-black
x
Amber tsl
x
xx
xxx
xx
Pink tsl
x
x
Red tsl
xxxxxx
xxxxxx
xx
Navy blue
x
Pale green tsl
x
Dark violet tsl
x
x
Dark red tsl
x
Sky blue op
x
xx
Peacock blue tsl
x
x
x
xxx
Yellow, tsl
xx
Emerald green
xx
x
x
Pink op
x
Yale blue tsl
xxx
xxx
Dark green tsl
x
Yellow-amber tsl
x
Turquoise op
x
x
xx
xx
xx
Dark wine stsl
x
Gold op
x
White tsl
x
x
x
xx
Bronze op
x
Bright orange
x
Yellow-orange
x
Cobalt blue tsl
x
Jade green op
x
x
Indigo blue
x
Peacock blue op
xx
Robin’s egg blue op
xx
Dark purple tsl
x
Brilliant blue tsl
x
Yellow op
xx
Aquamarine op
xx
Peacock green op
x
Yale blue op
x
Surf green op
x
Heliotrope op
x
Pearl white
x
Chrystal
x
Total Varieties
10
19
6
14
42
27
***(tsp = transparent; tsl = translucent; op = opaque)
Wayne Davis’s glass trade bead colours were taken from 26 trading posts and First Nations archaeological sites from the USA and Canada. The glass beads range from as early as c.1700 to c.1850. The x’s in each column represent how often the various glass bead colour types occur in each period found in the various collections. Because the number of sites and beads in each period varies, the number of colour varieties may not be a true reflection of preference for each period. However, after 1820 when fur trade posts were established further west in the USA, and direct trading at posts began there is a greater proliferation of bead colour varieties. This increase in varieties may have more to do with glass bead assemblages coming from trading posts instead of Indigenous campsites.
I have taken Lester Ross’s glass bead colour scheme and presented his colours, to give you some idea of the range and variation in glass bead colour. Often it is considerable, even in just one primary colour. This enormous collection of over 120,000 beads, spanning a considerable period likely contains every possible bead colour ever sent to the fort. It would reflect what the Hudson’s Bay Company would have in stock at the time in that region. I personally, after looking a many fur trade assemblages, rarely see beads outside Ross’s bead colour range. The exceptions may be gold and silver beads which are more common in the latter part of the 19th century.
Below are examples of Ross’s Fort Vancouver glass bead colour varieties. I have listed the Munsell code under each colour so that if you wish you can check these published colours against those found in the Munsell colour chart. I found, even when pasting certain colours into a word program that the colours occasionally changed slightly.
Historic References to Indigenous Colour Preference and Meaning
I was fascinated by an article about the use of colour on the Northwest Coast, written in the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian, by Melonie Ancheta. 21 In it she makes two very important points about the meaning and use of colour: 1) Northwest Coast First Nations had a long history (before colonization) of using colours – primarily black, red, blue and green; and, 2) these colours were integrated into their culture, their, “…cosmologies, rituals and daily life…”
And, as Ancheta points out, there were long-standing rules, or customs, of ways of using these colours and painting specific pieces of art or spiritual attire. Or certain colours were associated with certain segments of Northwest Coast society. Blue (made from vivianite), 22 for example was more associated with shamans, clan treasures, ceremonial objects, and reserved for nobility in Tlingit society.
My point is, that before European contact, many primary colours (red, yellow, blue, green, white, black) 24 were already well-established in North American Indigenous societies. There were likely rules for their use (now mostly lost) and meaning behind them. Glass trade beads, and the various colours they came in, were integrated into already well-established Indigenous traditional schemes.
Since blue was difficult to make, it’s not surprising to find historic quotes stating that on North America’s Northwest Coast, many First Nations tribes valued blue glass trade beads the most. Just how the introduction of these beads, now more readily acquired by anyone who would trade, affected traditional uses of the colour (which because the mineral vivianite was hard to acquire and therefore relegated to only certain objects and people), is a question worth considering. 25
And on the Great Plains of North America, various First Nations societies had similar preferences. Here are a few examples:
Among the Arikara: “…any object which exceeds that of a buffalo robe. Ammunition, knives, spears, blue beads, tomahawks, and framed mirrors are the only articles for which they are willing to exchange their robes.”26
Among the Sioux: “The blue bead, as precious here as porcelain among the nations of the Mississippi…”27
Archaeologist Wayne Davis summarizes colour preferences (supported by numerous historic quotes), by North American Plains First Nations this way:
“As these different excerpts seem to suggest, blue and white, in that order, were without question the most popular colors for all the Plains’ tribes, as well as for many of the tribes in the Pacific Northwest and elsewhere.” 28
Undoubtedly as the archaeological glass bead samples suggest, although Indigenous people used other bead colours, blue and white glass trade beads were by far the most common. In 1854, for example, according to ethnographer, Edwin Denig discussing glass bead colour preference on the Upper Missouri, “Small round beads of all colors are used in adorning every portion of their dress.”29
It is evident then, that there was also a great deal of commonality in glass bead colour preference amongst different Indigenous groups over a large geographical area. As an example, western Plains and coastal peoples preferred blue and white beads over all others. Archaeologist Steven DeVore (1992:60-61) states that blue, white and black were generally the most popular colours amongst Northern Plains First Nations, but red, green, yellow, and lavender were also used but in smaller quantities. 30
During the initial contact period in the mid to late 18th Century, Alaskan First Nations peoples preferred blue and white beads most, but used other bead colours as well. 31
According to ethnologist Kate Duncan (1989:44) the Fort Yukon journals indicate that there was a definite change in bead colour preference by the late 1860s to more of a demand for amber, crystal, blue, white, black, red, and ruby. As well, in other parts of the northwest, more variation in bead colours occurs temporally 32
According to Alexander Henry for the Assiniboine during the late 18th to early 19th Century, the most sought-after trade goods included, “…brass rings, brass wire, blue beads, and other trinkets.”33
Others, however, suggest that not only were blue beads the most highly valued but that certain colours had meaning or rules about where they could be worn. “The women ornament their dresses….with broad diversified stripes of sky to blue and white beads. The Indians do not like beads of other colours, for instance, red next to the skin.”34
When the Kutchin people met Alexander MacKenzie they demanded blue beads over all others. 35
Unfortunately, virtually nothing is said about the degree of variability of colour preference within specific First Nations groups or other potential temporal changes of colour preference between First Nations groups. According to Duncan (1989:78), there was individual variability in colour preference and regional preferences even among Athabascan-speaking people. Pink, aqua and green beads dominated Eastern Athabascan beadwork, while white, navy, green, red, pink, greasy yellow, and green dominated western Athabascans. 32
If we can generalize, these are the predominant glass trade bead colours used historically by First Nations, Inuit, and Metis people:
Sioux: white background, bold blues, yellow, shades of green and pink;
Cheyenne: white background, more turquoise and transparent beads, red;
Ojibwa: multi-coloured backgrounds, dark red, clear, and black;
Cherokee: more black in beading than other First Nations groups;
Eastern Woodland: floral patterns and lots of multi-coloured designs;
North West Coast: heavy emphasis on dark blue, and white;
Blackfoot: white background, heavy emphasis on blue beads; other colours used sparingly;
Dene: multi-coloured backgrounds and many colours used in designs; greater emphasis on blue further west;
Inuit: white and many black beads;
Metis: “the more colours, the better.” (Bertha Desjarlais) 36
Unfortunately, there are only a few references, such as Duncan’s, in the literature about any continuity of colour use from the prehistoric to the initial contact period, and beyond, in western North America. According to Alexander Mackenzie, at the time of contact, quill work and moose hair were the primary decorative embroidery in the Northwest Territories using natural dyes of red, black, yellow, white, and blue. 37
SITE/REGION
Volume (lbs)
White (%)
Blue (%)
Other (%)
HBC Inland, western Canada, 1799
330.5
25.3
48.4
26.3
NWC Inland, western Canada, 1792
113.0
33.0
67.0
–
HBC Nottingham House Inventory, 1803
7.75
38.7
61.3
–
Nottingham House – Presents or Traded, 1803
3.0
33.0
66.0
–
Fort Union, 1840 Inventory
1,728
46.8
53.2
–
Glass trade bead inventories from three different sources, ranging from 1792 – 1840. These figures show not only how extensive the trade of glass beads was but that blue and white were by far the most preferred colours among Indigenous people living on the Northern Great Plains to people much further north in the Athabasca region of Northern Alberta, Canada.
But, by the late 18th century, and then by the end of the 19th century the glass bead colour palette was extensive. Glass bead styles and colours were in high demand in the Indigenous world. And if not met, trade suffered:
“….the frustrations involved in trying to ensure an up-to-date inventory of beads of acceptable size and color for a market that changed faster than the time required to order and receive goods from England.” (Trader Alexander Murray, Fort Yukon)38
Colour as a Means of Communication
“People give objects meaning, but cultural meaning is rarely stable. Objects and clothing actions that had significance in certain historic contexts are sometimes forgotten, while others endure for generations.”39
Different colours can have meaning – which is often very elusive to determine historically, as the above quote suggests. But, at a more base level, colour can also be used as a means of communication, and thereby carry information and meaning. For example, different colours or colour combinations can be used to communicate one’s ethnic affiliation and social position to others. Historically we may be able to reconstruct ethnic affiliation (i.e., certain groups using a specific array of colours or proportionally more of one colour than others) and social position (i.e, the use of a certain colour by certain individuals in a group) by simply aligning various colours with different ethnic groups or sub-groups.
Colour and bead patterns can therefore be examined using different units of analysis of comparison. In historical archaeology, unlike most prehistoric archaeology, we often have an accompanying historic record to help identify and define those units of analysis, enabling us to then investigate whether people, regionally, in communities or individually used colour as a means of social expression. There are hints that indeed this might be true. But, as we have seen it is difficult, if not impossible, to examine this question with fur trade post inventories, because the records are often incomplete or vague to use for comparative purposes.
According to those historic records, colour, including that of glass trade beads, defined groups and social positions (i.e., rank, gender).
Regional Level: According to Sherry Farrell Racette, when discussing Metis beadwork and colours: “The vitality of the colour palette of nineteenth century beadwork and embroidery corresponds with the comparative prosperity and vigor of that collective identity. Smaller Half Breed collectives, not associated with the Métis, also used clothing and common aesthetics to communicate distinctiveness.”40
2. Community Level: Distinctions between communities are often also expressed in bead colour differences: “Small decorative elements could also distinguish the work of one community from another. Moccasins made in Ile à la Crosse, particularly those made by the grandmothers of the community, have a distinct visual marker that identifies their community of origin. Three to four rows of alternating deep blue and white beads outline the beaded vamps. The same blue and white border is used on cuffs and other pieces of beadwork. Within the larger aesthetic tradition, regions, communities and individuals developed recognizable styles.”41
3. Family level: “Some elders recalled specific colours and designs associated with particular families. I remember] that story my grandfather told me about the sashes and it was in the context of him lamenting that you couldn’t leave your stuff out any more that people just stole it. He said that long ago you didn’t do that because people knew what was yours. If you had it wrapped with your sash everybody knew it was yours because of the colours the family used. They knew that it belonged to the Bouviers, or it belonged to the Gardiner’s or to the Daigneault’s. It was essentially a way of marking.” 42
4. Individual Level: Among Metis men, different coloured hats distinguished them from white gentlemen and officers. “Cowie described “low, broad brimmed black hats” worn by the Métis, while “grey felt” was worn by “gentlemen and officers.” Age was also a factor in headgear chosen by “younger Metis [who] favored rather than the hat, pill box caps of fine black cloth or velvet, adorned with beads or colored silk work and a large black silk tassel attached to the crown.”43
What the Archaeological Record Reveals About Bead Colour Preference
“It is doubtful if comprehensive examination of all records for a number of posts over a period of time would yield a clear understanding of beads traded there, particularly since the bead company records to help in the clarification of terms, sizes, and colors are not available.”44
Ethnographers have essentially dismissed the reliability of historic fur trade fort records to provide accurate information about Indigenous glass trade bead preferences, including colour.
What about the archaeological records in western Canada? Are they a reliable source of information about Indigenous bead colour preferences? Where we often find thousands of glass trade beads at these forts. It seems, here too there are problems. Let’s investigate a few of them.
Researcher Bias in Glass Bead Colours – A Small, but Necessary Diversion
What is it about these archaeological assemblages that might make us hesitate to use them to investigate Indigenous bead colour preference? Two types of bias come to mind: 1) whether fort bead assemblages truly represent what Indigenous people used in a region; and, 2) whether there is any bias in the way the beads were collected.
In the first instance, most glass bead assemblages come from excavated fur trade sites and very few historic indigenous encampments or settlements in western Canada. Is it safe to interpret outside (the fort) Indigenous bead colour preference directly from these fort assemblages which represent both what beads were traded to people bringing in their furs and what Indigenous people living at the forts were consuming?
However, the fort inventories, representing what bead colours were traded or gifted to Indigenous people do seem to be similar (on an ordinal scale of comparison) to the fort bead archaeological assemblages. 45
Occasionally there are instances where direct proof can be obtained, such as comparing a historic fort bead sample directly to an Indigenous camp sample to see how similar they were.
Archaeologist, Aaron Crowell was able to make such a comparison. 31 He compared the Indigenous encampment bead samples to the fort bead assemblages. I summarized Crowell’s results below. In terms of proportions, and ordinal rank the two later period (post-1830) bead colours were very similar.
The second problem with the archaeological bead assemblage involves recovery bias. Seed beads, less than 2mm in diameter, are the most common type of bead. They are hard to see when excavating and historically some of the darker-coloured beads may have been more easily lost if accidentally dropped. While it’s virtually impossible to verify the latter inference, we can examine whether our methods might be biased toward the recovery of more visible coloured beads (white, and yellow, for example).
Some archaeological studies suggest there is no bias in bead colour recovery during excavations. 46
While excavating at the NWC/HBC Fort Vermilion I (c.1798-1830) site we conducted a similar experiment to see if we could replicate the Bundy et. al results. As the figures below show, our results differed considerably from theirs. Not only did we recover proportionally more seed beads (twenty-three percent more) in the fine screens, but also proportionally more of the darker bead colours. 48
So, as you can see, most types of historic evidence used to examine Indigenous bead colour preference have their setbacks. Including the archaeological record. Those deficiencies must be kept in mind when considering my following interpretations about Indigenous bead colour preference.
Temporal and Regional Trends in Archaeological Bead Assemblages
Despite difficulties with the archaeological evidence can we still discern some trends in the glass trade bead data that inform on Indigenous glass bead colour preference in western Canada? And, the meaning of, or factors responsible for, those trends?
In a 2015 monograph describing the Fort Vermilion I archaeological results I undertook an extensive investigation of the archaeological bead assemblage and Indigenous colour preference. 49 Consult this source for a more in-depth look at my results. And, where I feel more detail is necessary here, I will include it in the footnotes.
My glass bead samples come primarily from fur trade posts in Alberta, Canada, but occasionally I incorporate evidence from further afield.
Below is a list of glass bead assemblages from fur trade forts and other historic sites used in this study. Although there are more archaeological assemblages, not all of them were used because some cover long periods and therefore are inadequate to examine possible glass bead colour changes over more discrete periods of time.
For the first comparisons I have simplified the bead colour palette because of the many different ways glass bead colours have been described in the literature. Also, historically blue and white were the most common or popular colours. And the most profound changes, either temporally or ethnically (e.g., Dene vs Blackfoot) occurred in the proportions of the use of these two colours but also the use of a more different or diverse range of colours either temporally or regionally. This then leaves us with three basic bead colour categories: 1) white; 2) blue; and, 3) other (all other coloured beads). Even though there are many hues of blues or whites, I have simply lumped them all together for these comparisons.
I also divided the available glass trade bead assemblages into broad categories representing time and space. These divisions were chosen for practical and historical reasons. Unfortunately, not all fur trade sites were occupied in neat discreet units of time. This unevenness makes it difficult to examine bead colour preferences over time. 50
Secondly, according to Kate Duncan 32 and Karlis Karklins 51 somewhere around 1830, the Indigenous floral design in embroidery and beadwork continued to spread to northwestern North America from its place of origin in eastern Canada. How did this change from the use of primarily geometric patterns to floral designs by Indigenous populations affect the proportions of the above bead categories? Surely flower designs weren’t just blue and white.
Therefore, based on these historic circumstances, I divided the bead assemblages into those that represented the pre-1830 period and those that represented the post-1830 period to answer this question.
Nor were the various Indigenous groups relegated to discreet geographical areas. Boundaries were fluid and overlap occurred. To complicate things even more, as the population of people of mixed ancestry (white-first Nations unions) grew, most women (partners of fort employees) living at the fur trade forts were of Metis origin. However, as the above diagram shows First Nations groups who used a mostly geometric design occupied the southern parts of the Saskatchewan District and those that used a floral design lived mostly in the Athabaska District. Metis people, highly renowned for their floral embroidery and beadwork, resided in both districts.
Other First Nations, Metis and fur trade fort bead assemblages.
Glass Bead Colour Proportions
“When glass beads became available to the Athapaskans in sufficient quantity for embroidery, they were readily applied to garments and accessories in the decorative traditions already established using porcupine quills and seeds. Beads were definitely present among some Athapaskans in both the east and the west sometime during the eighteenth century, but the details of their arrival remain lost to history.” 87
Not only was the first adoption of glass beads by Athabascan speakers murky but so also were bead colour preferences by various other historic Indigenous groups in western Canada. Did those colour preferences change over time?
I will first examine this question with two northern fur trade bead assemblages spanning the pre- and post-1830 periods – Fort Vermilion I (c.1798-1830) and Fort Vermilion II (c.1830-1934). Both forts are located in northern Alberta along the Peace River approximately eighty kilometres apart from one another. Both forts served a primarily northern Athapaskan population, but to a lesser extent also Cree and Metis. The results of the comparison of their respective bead colour proportions are shown below. There was a considerable increase in the ‘other’ bead colour category in the post-1830 Fort Vermilion II assemblage.
In the next comparison, I combined all the fur trade fort bead assemblages and then divided them into two time periods. The results, shown below, indicated that there is an increase in the ‘other’ bead colour category in the post-1830 bead assemblages.
Since we are also interested in comparing possible regional differences in bead colour preferences, I divided the bead assemblages into both time (pre-1830) and space (Northern and Central/Southern). The results, shown below, indicate that not only do bead colour preferences change over time, but also regionally. But, at different rates. Over time, there is a far greater increase in the ‘other’ bead colour category in the northern bead assemblages (31%) than in central/southern bead assemblages (19%).
Are these changes in bead colour preferences just a regional phenomenon or are they more widespread than just in Western Canada? Although currently my database is limited to examine this question more thoroughly, the results (shown below), suggest it is more widespread. 88 But, again there is a far higher rate of change in the ‘other ‘ bead category in these northern assemblages than in those further south. When all the northern assemblages (Athabasca, Mackenzie, Alaska) combined are compared to southern assemblages there is a 26% increase in the former and only 16% in the latter (shown in the table below).
While the changes in these bead colour proportions are real enough, finding explanations for them is somewhat more difficult. Especially when we consider that various different ethnic groups inhabited each region. The crux of the issue comes down to this: even though different Indigenous groups occupied each region, their greater spatial proximity to one another (than to people in other regions) resulted in more similar use of bead colours. Is spatial proximity that powerful a factor, despite considerable Indigenous ethnic diversity in a region, to create continuity in bead colour choice?
Unfortunately, currently, I don’t have the kind of data to explore this possibility in more detail. Numerous historic references seem to support this view. Our automobile colour study also seems to suggest as much despite the considerable ethnic diversity in some of those countries (more so in Canada and South Africa than Iceland and Turkey).
Number of Glass Bead Colour Varieties
While there seem to be differences in bead colour proportions temporally and regionally, exactly what was changing? The above bead colour categories mask some of the changes that might be occurring in the ‘other’ bead colour category. Were more bead colour varieties being added temporally or regionally to account for these higher proportions? Or were only certain colours in the ‘other’ category being used more frequently thereby increasing the relative proportions in the ‘other’ bead colour category?
Source/Fort
Median Occupation Date
Bead Colour Varieties
Total Beads
Davis
1720
10
N/A
Davis
1754
19
N/A
Davis
1774
6
N/A
Fort D’Tremblante
1794
20
20119
Fort George
1796
11
20894
Buckingham House
1796
N/A
Augustus/Edmonton I
1798.5
4
12
Rocky Mountain Fort
1799
9
17176
Davis
1800.5
14
Nottingham House
1802
20
2887
Rocky Mountain House (HBC)
1810
7
10832
Rocky Mountain House (NWC)
1810
26
6512
Edmonton/Augustus III
1811.5
14
1308
Vermilion I
1814
13
1460
Wedderburn
1828
9
81
Davis
1828.5
42
N/A
Davis
1843.5
27
N/A
Fort Union
1848
19
38490
Vancouver
1847.5
29
55000
Fort Edmonton V
1867.5
12
80
Last Mountain House
1871
21
60063
Vermilion II
1880
11
419
Fort Victoria
1881
16
803
Dunvegan
1898
8
27
Mean: Median Dates
1720 – 1828
13
Mean: Median Dates
1828.5 – 1898
19.4
Data come from the same sources cited in an earlier Table. The median occupation date refers to the central date of occupation for a fort. For example, if a fort was occupied from 1800 – 1810, the median occupation date would be 1805.
While seemingly straightforward forward this is a very difficult question to answer with bead archaeological assemblages. Namely, because bead colour variety is not just a function of what people used historically. It is also dependent on archaeological sample size, and even archaeological site occupation length. 89
I took what available data there was regarding bead colour variety and made some preliminary comparisons. In these comparisons, bead colour variety refers to all bead colours, including shades of white and blue. Although the historic documentary literature points toward a greater variety of bead colours in the market over time, this does not necessarily mean that people used more of them. The raw data for these comparisons are shown in the table below.
The scattergram below, comparing the median archaeological site occupation dates (X-Axis) to the number of bead colour varieties (Y-Axis) seems to confirm this observation. There was no steady increase in the number of glass bead colours over time.
When the mean variety of bead colours is compared between sites with occupation dates before and after c.1828 there is an increase (from 13 to 19.4 colour varieties in the total sample and from 15 to 19.3 colour varieties in the samples with high bead numbers). However, despite this increase, statistically the means are the same. 91
The above results suggest there was considerable variability in several glass bead colour varieties through both time and space. Keeping space constant (comparing assemblages of different periods within a region), I wanted to see first if differences existed. I examined bead colour variety between Fort Vermilion I and II – two forts in the same region but from different periods. The results shown in the figure below along with comparisons between regions and time, do not show the expected trend of the use of more colour varieties through time. Nor do they show what the comparisons of bead colour proportions showed – namely a greater use of ‘other’ colours in the northern bead assemblages.
It seems, therefore, that the greater proportional use of ‘other’ bead colours either temporally or regionally (i.e., higher in the northern bead assemblages than the Saskatchewan District assemblages), is not a function of the use of a greater variety of bead colours.
If it’s not the result of a selection of greater bead colour variety, then why do the proportions of the ‘other’ bead colour category increase over time and regionally? Let’s take a specific example where bead colour proportions change through time but bead colour remains relatively similar – Fort Vermilion I and II. Below is a breakdown of the glass bead colours recovered from the two forts.
Fort Vermilion I (2014-16 sample)
Fort Vermilion II
Colour
Quantity
Percent
Quantity
Percent
Black
17
9
0
0
Clear
4
2
1
1
Dark Indigo
22
11
0
0
Turquoise
1
0.5
2
1
Grey
1
0.5
1
1
Pink on Green
18
9
0
0
Pink
4
2
81
49
Pink, medium
2
1
0
0
Dark Purple
3
2
2
1
Red
41
21
42
25
Yellow
79
41
8
5
Green
0
0
26
16
Total
192
99
163
Total Bead Sample
1460
Total Colours
11
8
Comparison of glass bead colours (other than white or blue) from Fort Vermilion I (c.1798 – 1830) and Fort Vermilion II (c.1830 – 1930). The total bead sample size for Fort Vermilion II is 419. 92
The first thing to note is that some colours are either absent or change in importance (percent) over time – there is a dramatic increase in pink and green over time and a decline in Dark Indigo, black and yellow while red remains relatively constant. Preference for certain different bead colours is changing while it seems the use of greater varieties of bead colours is not. 93
And if you look more closely at the data, even though there are fewer bead colours in the Fort Vermilion II bead assemblage, the first three highest bead colour percentages make up 90% of all colours while they only make up 73% in the Fort Vermilion bead assemblage. In short, fewer bead colours occur in larger quantities in the Fort Vermilion II assemblage. And their high numbers relative to total bead assemblage (counting all the whites and blues) account for the proportional increase in the ‘other’ bead colour category. These differences are graphically depicted below in the cumulative percentage graph.
A comparison of two bead assemblages from different regions in Alberta produced similar results to those above. Below is a list of bead colours from the Athabasca region HBC Nottingham House (c.1801 – 1803) and the Saskatchewan District NWC Rocky Mountain House (c.1799 – 1821). Even though Rocky Mountain House had 26 different colour varieties, most of these were different shades of blue with only twelve actual different colours. It is also obvious that the ordinal rank of colours between the two assemblages differs. And the Rocky Mountain House coloured bead assemblage only represents 4.7% of the total while the Nottingham House assemblages make up 25% of the total. And like the temporal comparison between the two Fort Vermilion sites, it was not a greater increase in bead colour varieties at Nottingham House that created these differences. It was simply a higher proportional use of certain coloured beads that created that difference.
Nottingham House
Rocky Mountain House
Bead Colour
Quantity
Percent
Quantity
Percent
Black
11
0.6
25
7.7
Redwood
391
20.9
25
7.7
Ruby
40
2.1
0
0
Rose Wine
273
14.6
232
71.4
Scarlet
0
0
17
5.2
Red Mahogany
0
0
4
1.2
Bright Green
3
0.2
6
1.8
Dark Pale Green
185
9.9
1
0.3
Apple Green
75
4
0
0
Aqua Green
1
0.05
0
0
Dark Grass Green
0
0
1
0.3
Turquoise
773
41.3
1
0.3
Light Gold
120
6.4
0
0
Mustard Gold
0
0
12
3.7
Sunlight Yellow
0
0
1
0.3
Total
1872
325
Total Bead Sample
3610
6512
In this comparison, unlike the Fort Vermilion I and II comparisons, both bead samples are sufficiently robust to eliminate possible bias from sample size.
In summary, historic glass bead colours differed proportionally over time and in large regions of western Canada and the United States. Certain bead colours were preferred over others in specific regions or during specific periods. Although there was likely a greater potential selection of bead colour varieties later in the 19th century, it did not necessarily result in the use of a greater variety over time or regionally. People preferred certain colour schemes during certain periods and regions. The reasons and meaning for the choice of those colours were likely as complex as they are today, being influenced by the personal, cultural and ideological customs and values of their people. And, let’s not forget the role of fashion driving the choices in colours that were made.
Canada’s Metis – The Flower Beadwork People
It is perhaps fitting to end this blog about historic glass bead colour with Canada’s historic Metis who were also known as the ‘Flower Beadwork People‘, renowned for their brightly coloured floral designs in both beadwork and embroidery. 94 How does their use of bead colours compare to other assemblages?
Unfortunately, there are very few archaeological bead assemblages that are definitely Metis. Below I have listed the archaeological sites that represent Metis settlements or farmsteads (river lots) and have beads samples available for examination. Keep in mind that this sample size is small and the results preliminary. However, the results indicate that the ‘other’ bead colour category in these assembles is very high. Higher even than most other Saskatchewan District bead assemblages. However, also like these assemblages the Metis were not necessarily using a greater variety of bead colours at any given time. Only a higher proportion of some colours.
The image below of a beaded cushion, dating around c.1880, and like the octopus firebag, supports my contention that relatively few varieties of bead colours were used, but some in very high proportions. White and blue beads were used in lesser numbers in this flower bead pattern.
Also at the beginning of this blog, I showed an image of a colourful piece of beadwork found at the HBC Fort Victoria (c. 1864 – 98). It was found in the men’s quarters and was likely fashioned by a Metis woman perhaps living at the fort. As with the cushion, the proportion of coloured beads relative to white and blue beads is quite high. Below is a schematic drawing of the colour pattern that was used based on this archaeological find.
Below is a photograph of a Metis sash I was given at Lac La Biche, Alberta, Canada for my work with the Metis. It’s quite evident that there is considerable similarity in the colour scheme of both these objects. Not the same but similarity nevertheless. The sash, a major symbol of Metis identity in Canada varies in colour schemes but certain colours seem to reoccur.
A Few Concluding Remarks
The use of colour by humans and the reasons for choosing them are complex and often difficult to understand. When we step back into history the task of understanding colour becomes even more difficult because of either scant or biased evidence.
Despite these issues, I believe the historic archaeological bead data have been under-utilized when it comes to documenting and understanding historic Indigenous bead colour. Investigation of these assemblages has its advantages. Instead of guessing what the historic names for colours might mean, we can examine the actual bead. And, because the assemblages cover a considerable period of time and space, we can take a comparative approach to investigate them.
It is clear, both in contemporary and historic Indigenous societies, colour preference is a moving target. It is not a static entity but seems governed by ever-changing preferences over time and space.
To tag a certain colour with a certain meaning is therefore difficult if not impossible. Perhaps we have to reduce the entire mess down to the fact that some colours, because we associate them with specific things or events, make us feel good while others do not. And it seems there is a great deal of variability among humans in those choices. In other words, a colour I might prefer would not always be preferred by others, or in different periods, giving rise to an array of colours, used in different proportions by people.
Despite this seemingly incredible variability and sometimes randomness in colour preferences, there are trends in colour preferences both regionally and over time in Northwestern North America that are very difficult to explain if the choice is only individual and highly random. Like our car example, are Indigenous people thinking the same way about bead colour choices? Certainly, the floral pattern in embroidery and beadwork, thought to have spread northwest from eastern North America, influenced a greater use of colours other than white and blue by Indigenous people. Some evidence suggests that style dictated colour preference among Indigenous groups. And, if you wanted to communicate your affiliation with a particular group, then the use of certain colours as means of communicating that identity was an option.
To conclude glass trade beads were a very important article among Indigenous people in Canada. The colours of beads people chose have significance in their everyday lives. Not just historically but even today.
On August 10th, 2023 I attended an Edmonton Elks football game. The highlight of this event wasn’t the Elks’ superb play (they lost and now have lost twenty-two consecutive games at home). The highlight was the half-time show featuring Canadian Indigenous dancers, clad in their colourful dancing regalia covered with many glass beads.
The bead colours they chose, and the meaning behind them, are often very personal, steeped in their history and cultures. I leave the last word about the importance of Indigenous beads and colour to an Indigenous voice, Anishinaabe 98 beader Malinda Joy Gray’s thoughts about the colours of beads chosen in dance regalia and the meaning behind them:
“Colors and patterns are not merely adornment, they should be intertwined with their identity and their status as a dancer with other members of the community. When an Anishinaabe artist beads regalia for themselves, they are instructed to use their spirit colors. I have been taught by Elders that if you don’t have any colors that have special meaning to you or are unsure what your spirit colors are, you must put tobacco in some water and sleep with it beside your bed. Doing so will ensure that during your dreams your ancestors will come and show you which colors should be worn. Regalia is not just for this dimension, it transcends time and waking reality. Beadwork has impacted every aspect of Indigenous culture including its spirituality.” 99
Footnotes:
From “The Pyschology of Colour in Advertising.” https://www.newdesigngroup.ca/logo-graphic-design/psychology-colour-advertising/[↩][↩]
From Joy Gray, Malinda. 2017. Beads: Symbols of Indigenous Cultural Resilience and Value. M.A. Thesis, The University of Toronto, Canada.[↩]
Madden, T. J., Hewett, K., & Roth, M. S. (2000). Managing images in different cultures: A cross-national study of colour meanings and preferences. Journal of International Marketing, 8(4), 90-107.[↩]
This is only a theory of high correlation (i.e., most people), not an absolute theory (i.e., all people).[↩]
from “Science Explains Why We Have Favorite Colors” by Allison Turner, 2022.[↩]
Farrell Racette, Sherry. 2004. Sewing Ourselves Together: Clothing, Decorative Arts and the Expression of Metis and Half Breed Identity. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Manitoba.[↩]
Quote from Farrell Racette, Sherry. 2004. Sewing Ourselves Together: Clothing, Decorative Arts and the Expression of Metis and Half Breed Identity. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Manitoba.[↩]
Data from Karklins, Karlis. 1983. Nottingham House: The Hudson’s Bay Company in Athabasca, 1802-1806. History and Archaeology 69. Ottawa, Parks Canada, Ottawa.[↩]
On the colour wheel, secondary colours are located between primary colours. According to the traditional colour wheel, red and yellow make orange, red and blue make purple, and blue and yellow make green. Tertiary colours refer to the combination of primary and secondary colours due to their compound nature. Blue-green, blue-violet, red-orange, red-violet, yellow-orange, and yellow-green are colour combinations you can make from colour mixing. While we are all familiar with what primary and secondary colours resemble, we are perhaps less familiar with tertiary colours. The six tertiary colours often come with names. For example, vermilion refers to orange combined with red; magenta, red combined with purple); violet, purple combined with blue; teal, blue combined with green; chartreuse, green combined with yellow; and, amber, yellow combined with orange. I cannot think of one primary or secondary colour, and many tertiary combinations as well, that has not been applied to glass trade bead colours in the Americas.[↩]
Kidd, Kenneth and Martha Ann Kidd. 2012. A Classification System for Glass Beads for the Use of Field Archaeologists. In BEADS: Journal of the Society of Bead Researchers. Volume 24[↩]
Devore, Steven Leroy. 1992. Beads of the Bison Robe Trade: The Fort Union Collection. Williston, North Dakota.[↩]
American Fur Company data from Farrell Racette, Sherry. 2004. Sewing Ourselves Together: Clothing, Decorative Arts and the Expression of Metis and Half Breed Identity. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Manitoba.[↩]
Steven Leroy Devore. 1992. Beads of the Bison Robe Trade: The Fort Union Collection. Williston, North Dakota.[↩]
Wayne Davis. 1974. Time and Space Considerations for Diagnostic Northern Plains Glass Trade Bead Types. In Historical Archaeology in Northwestern North America. University of Calgary, Canada.[↩]
Melonie Ancheta. 2016. Colouring the Native Northwest Coast. Magazine of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian: Volume 17, No. 1[↩]
a mineral consisting of a phosphate of iron which occurs as a secondary mineral in ore deposits. It is colourless when fresh but becomes blue or green with oxidization[↩]
from Melonie Ancheta. 2016. Coloring the Native Northwest Coast. Magazine of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian: Volume 17, No.1.[↩]
both white and black technically are considered colours and so treated here as such[↩]
And to my knowledge has not been answered. Certainly, like many European trade goods introduced into Indigenous society, they might have affected traditional values. If blue dyes were difficult to acquire, and therefore relegated to only a few people, such as shamans and nobility, the greater accessibility to objects by others to this colour may have had a profound effect on Northwest Coast cultural traditions.[↩]
Abel, A. H. 1939. Tabeau’s Narrative of Loisel’s Expedition to the Upper Missouri, pp.170-71. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.[↩]
Abel, A. H. 1939. Tabeau’s Narrative of Loisel’s Expedition to the Upper Missouri, pp.174-76. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.[↩]
Davis, Wayne. 1972. Glass Trade Beads of the Northern Plains – Upper Missouri Region. M.A. Thesis, Department of Archaeology, Calgary, Alberta.[↩]
Denig, Edwin. 1930. Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri. Edited by J. N. B. Hewitt, Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report (1928-1929), Vol. 46: 375-628. Washington, D. C.[↩]
Ross, Lester A. 1976. “Fort Vancouver: 1829-1860, An Historical Archaeological Investigations of the Goods Imported and manufactured by the Hudson’s Bay Company” United States Department of the Interior National Park Service and the Fort Vancouver Historic Site, USA.[↩]
Crowell, Aron L. 1997. Archaeology and the Capitalist World System: A Study of Russian America. Plenum Press, New York.[↩][↩]
Duncan, Kate C. 1989. Northern Athapaskan Art. A Beadwork Tradition. Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver.[↩][↩][↩]
Coues, Elliot (ed). 1965. New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Company, and of David Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the Same Company. Ross and Haines, Minneapolis. pp.517.[↩]
Thwaites, Reuben, Gold (ed.). 1904-05. Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition 1804-05. Dodd, Mead and Company, New York.[↩]
McKenzie, Roderick. 1889. Reminiscences. InLes Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Quest, recits de voyages, lettres et rapports inedits relatifs au Nord-Quest Canadien, L. R. Masson (ed) (Quebec: A. Cote, 1889-90, pp.51.[↩]
McKenzie, Roderick. 1889. Reminiscences. InLes Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Quest, recits de voyages, lettres et rapports inedits relatifs au Nord-Quest Canadien, L. R. Masson (ed) (Quebec: A. Cote, 1889-90.[↩]
From Duncan, Kate C. 1989. Northern Athapaskan Art. A Beadwork Tradition. Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver. pp.44.[↩]
Bundy, Barbara E., Allen P. McCartney, and Douglas W. Veltre. 2003. Glass Trade Beads from Reese Bay, Unalaska Island: Spatial and Temporal Patterns. Arctic Anthropology 40 (1):29-47[↩]
from Bundy, Barbara E., Allen P. McCartney, and Douglas W. Veltre. 2003. Glass Trade Beads from Reese Bay, Unalaska Island: Spatial and Temporal Patterns. Arctic Anthropology 40 (1):29-47[↩]
However, at Rocky Mountain Fort, Scott Hamilton fine-screened all soil matrix to recover all small beads. His results suggest that the bead colour proportions from this fur trade post are within the range of variability of other post assemblages (where the soil was not fine-screened) and white beads do not occur in significantly greater numbers. ((Hamilton, Scott, David Burley, Luke Dalla Bona, Rick Howard, Heather Moon, and Bill Quakenbush. 1987. The End of Season Report of the 1986 Excavations at Rocky Mountain Fort, HbRf-31. Preliminary report submitted to the B.C. Heritage Trust.[↩]
Pyszczyk, H. 2015. The Last Fort Standing. Fort Vermilion and the Peace River Fur Trade, 1798-1830. Occasional Papers of the Archaeological Society of Alberta 14. Archaeological Society of Alberta, Calgary, Alberta. Chapter 6[↩]
For example, the NWC/HBC Fort Chipewyan was occupied from 1802 to 1872 covering the two time periods in question. More discreet temporal divisions have not been established archaeologically at this fort. Therefore the bead assemblage from this fort is a mixture of bead preference for over seventy years – a length of time too long to investigate any meaningful trends.[↩]
Karklins, Karlis. 1992. Trade Ornament Usage Among the Native Peoples of Canada: a Source Book. Ottawa, Ont.: National Historic Parks and Sites, Parks Service.[↩]
Karklins, Karlis. 1983. Nottingham House: The Hudson’s Bay Company in Athabasca, 1802-1806. History and Archaeology 69. Ottawa, Parks Canada, Ottawa.[↩]
Karklins, Karlis. 1981. The Old Fort Point Site: Fort Wedderburn II? Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History 26. Ottawa, Parks Canada.[↩]
Pyszczyk, Heinz W. 1993 A “Parchment Skin” is All: The Archaeology of the Boyer River Site, Fort Vermilion, Alberta. In The Uncovered Past: Roots of Northern Alberta Societies, Patricia A. McCormack and R. Geoffrey Ironside (eds), pp. 33-44. Circumpolar Research Series Number 3. Canadian Circumpolar Institute, University of Alberta.[↩]
Pyszczyk, Heinz W. 2000-131 Archaeological Investigations: Fort Vermillion I (IaQf-1) and Unknown Fur Trade Site (IaQf-2) (1998-2000 Field Seasons), Final Report, Permit 2000-131. Manuscript on file, Alberta Tourism, Parks, Recreation and Culture, Edmonton, Alberta; Pyszczyk, Heinz W. 2002-227 Archaeological Investigations: Fort Vermilion I (IaQf – 1) and Unknown Fur Trade Site (IaQf-2). Final Report, Permit 2002-227. On File, Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton. Pyszczyk, H. 2015. The Last Fort Standing. Fort Vermilion and the Peace River Fur Trade, 1798-1830. Occasional Papers of the Archaeological Society of Alberta 14. Archaeological Society of Alberta, Calgary, Alberta.[↩]
Arnold, Ken. 1972. The History and Archaeology of Fort Fork (Draft). Manuscript on file, Provincial Museum of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta[↩]
Hamilton, Scott, David Burley, Luke Dalla Bona, Rick Howard, Heather Moon, and Bill Quakenbush. 1987. The End of Season Report of the 1986 Excavations at Rocky Mountain Fort, HbRf-31. Preliminary report submitted to the B.C. Heritage Trust.[↩]
Smith, Brian J. 1992. Archaeological Mitigation of Site GePa-10, Lac la Biche, Alberta for M & J Cats Ltd. ASA Permit Number 92-006. Consultant’s report on file with Alberta Culture and Community Spirit. Edmonton, Alberta.[↩]
Forbis, R.G. 1958a. Archaeological Site Inventory Data, Borden No. EgPr-1, Peigan Post (Old Bow Fort). Site form on file with Alberta Culture and Community Spirit. Edmonton, Alberta.[↩]
Noble, William C. 1973. The Excavation and Historical Identification of Rocky Mountain House. Canadian Historic Sites. Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History No. 6. Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Ottawa.[↩]
Steer, Donald N. and Harvey J. Rogers. 1978. Archaeological Investigations at an Early Nineteenth Century Fur Trading Fort, Rocky Mountain House National Historic Park, 1975-77. M.S. on file, Parks Canada, Calgary.[↩]
Kidd, Robert S. 1987. Archaeological Excavations at the Probable Site of the First Fort Edmonton or Fort Augustus I, 1795 to Early 1800s. Human History, Occasional Paper No. 3. Provincial Museum of Alberta, Edmonton.[↩]
Nicks, Gertrude. 1969. The Archaeology of Two Hudson’s Bay Company Posts: Buckingham House (1792-1800) and Edmonton House III (1810-1813). M.A. thesis on file, Department of Anthropology, The University of Alberta, Edmonton[↩][↩]
Kidd, Robert S. 1970. Fort George and the Early Fur Trade in Alberta. Publication No.2, Provincial Museum and Archives of Alberta. Alberta Culture, Historical Resources.[↩]
McCullough, E.J., A.J. Landals, and B.J. Kulle. 1992. Historical Resources Mitigation FjOn 1 Fort Vermillion/Paint Creek House. Permit 91-73. Consultant’s report on file with Alberta Culture and Community Spirit. Edmonton, Alberta.[↩]
Karklins, Karlis. 2021. appendix F. The Trade Beads of Fort Riviere Tremblante. In Meyer, David. 2021. Archaeological Investigations of Fort Riviere Tremblante. Manuscript on File, Saskatchewan Heritage Center, Regina.[↩]
Walde, Dale. 2004. Historical Resource Monitoring of a Replacement Waterline within Lots 1, 4 & 5, Block 1 Fort Vermillion, Alberta Map Sheets 84 J/5 & K/8 Final Report. Permit 2004-209. Consultant’s report on file with Alberta Tourism, Parks, Recreation and Culture. Edmonton, Alberta.[↩]
Smith, Brian J. 1991a. Archaeological Investigations, Dunvegan, Alberta: Hudson’s Bay Company 1877 Factor’s House (GlQp-8) and St. Charles Mission Roman Catholic Church (GlQp-6), Permit 89-20. Vols. 1-3. Report on file with the Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton.[↩]
Forsman, Michael. 1985. The Archaeology of Victoria Post 1864-1897. Archaeological Survey of Alberta Manuscript Series No. 6. Alberta Culture, Edmonton; Losey, Timothy, et. al, 1977. Archaeological Investigations: Fort Victoria, 1975[↩]
Pyszczyk, Heinz W. n.d. Archaeological Investigations: Fort Edmonton V, 1992-1995. Manuscript report on file, Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton.[↩]
Pickard, Rod and Heather D’Amour. 1987. Archaeological Investigations at the National Historic Site of Jasper House. Microfiche Report Series 475. Environment Canada Parks Service, Calgary, Alberta.[↩]
Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton.[↩][↩][↩]
Stevenson, Marc G. 1981. Peace Point – A Stratified Prehistoric Campsite Complex in Wood Buffalo National Park, Alberta. Research Bulletin No. 158. Parks Canada.[↩]
Crowell, Aron L. 1997. Archaeology and the Capitalist World System: A Study of Russian America. Plenum Press, New York.[↩]
Doll, Maurice,F. V., Robert S. Kidd and John P. Day. 1988. The Buffalo Lake Metis Site: A Late Nineteenth Century Settlement in the Parkland of Central Alberta. Human History Occasional Paper No. 4. Alberta Culture and Multiculturalism, Provincial Museum of Alberta.[↩]
Crowell, Aron L. 1997. Archaeology and the Capitalist World System: A Study of Russian America. Plenum Press, New York.[↩][↩][↩][↩]
Doll, Maurice, F. V., Robert S. Kidd and John P. Day. 1988. The Buffalo Lake Metis Site: A Late Nineteenth Century Settlement in the Parkland of Central Alberta. Human History Occasional Paper No. 4. Alberta Culture and Multiculturalism, Provincial Museum of Alberta.[↩]
Elliot, W. J. 1971. Hivernant Archaeology in the Cypress Hills. M.A. Thesis, University of Calgary.[↩][↩]
Panas, Timothy 1999. Statistical Comparison of Spode/Copeland Ceramics between Historic Metis and European Occupations in Central Alberta. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, The University of Montana.[↩]
Brandon, John Daniel. 1989. The Artifacts and Stratigraphy of the Letendre Complex, Batoche, Saskatchewan. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Saskatchewan.[↩]
Klimko, Olga, Peggy Mkeand, Terrance Gibson. 1993. The Chesterfield House Research Project. Permit 93-047. Saskatchewan Heritage Branch, Regina.[↩]
Heitzmann, R.J., J. Preigert, S.S. Smith. 1980. Historical Resources Inventory and Assessment Programme 1979 Fort Chipewyan III and IV, Final Report. Permit Number 79-100. Consultant’s report on file with Alberta Tourism, Parks, Recreation and Culture.[↩]
Pyszczyk, Heinz W. 1989. The Rosebud Burial. Manuscript on File, Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton.[↩]
Klimko, Olga and John Hodges. 1993. Last Mountain House: A Hudson’s Bay Company Outpost in the Qu’Appelle Valley. Western Heritage Services Incorporated, Saskatoon.[↩]
Devore, Stephen 1992. Beads of the Bison Robe Trade: The Fort Union Trading Post Collection. Friends of Fort Union Trading Post, Williston, North Dakota.[↩]
Duncan, Kate. 1989, Northern Athapaskan Art. A Beadwork Tradition. p.40. Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver.[↩]
These limitations are the result of both a low number of archaeological site bead assemblages and often very low sample sizes.[↩]
Much has been published in the archaeological literature on how sample size affects artifact richness (or in this instance bead colour variety) (i.e., as sample size increases, so will the number s of different bead colours, until a saturation point is reached). I have touched on the subject in my 2015 Fort Vermilion I monograph, conducting rarefaction curves to examine artifact richness between different-sized archaeological samples.[↩]
Even when sites having small bead sample sizes are omitted (which could bias the number of bead colour varieties) the results are similar to those above.[↩]
I conducted a two-tailed T-Test for means (unequal variances). Because of the high degree of variability and overlap in the sample, there was no statistical difference in the mean colour varieties in the two samples.[↩]
for some reason WordPress is not allowing me to insert a number in the appropriate box for the total bead sample for Fort Vermilion II.[↩]
However, currently, without a larger bead sample from Fort Vermilion II, I can’t rule out that unequal bead sample sizes are biasing these results.[↩]
According to Canadian Geographic the Dakota and Cree called the Metis Flower Beadwork People. (https://indigenouspeoplesatlasofcanada.ca/article/material-culture/). There are also countless references by explorers describing Metis’ beadwork and embroidery skills[↩]
From the Royal Alberta Facebook page here is a brief history of this firebag design: “Where do octopus bags get their names? An octopus bag has eight hanging tabs or legs, much like the animal. The octopus bag is thought to be based on Algonquin animal skin bags, also known as “many legs bags,” which had the legs and tails left on and were quill-worked or beaded. The Métis adopted this bag style when many Anishinaabe moved west to Red River, where Métis women utilized their distinct floral beadwork style. The eight-legged style of bag became popular in the 19th century in Métis and Cree communities across central Canada. This style of bag – used to carry smoking pipes, tobacco, flint, and steel to make fire (hence “fire bag”) – was carried across the continent as far west as Tlingit communities in Alaska.” Courtesy of Royal Alberta Museum: https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=10154041317827815&set=this-weeks-ramwow-is-a-m%C3%A9tis-octopus-bag-from-1859-it-is-part-of-the-southesk-co[↩]
Losey, Timothy C., et al. 1977. Archaeological Investigations: Fort Victoria, 1975. Occasional Paper No. 3. Alberta Culture, Historic Resources.[↩]
The Ojibwe, Chippewa, Odawa, Potawatomi, Algonquin, Saulteaux, Nipissing and Mississauga First Nations are Anishinaabeg. Some Oji-Cree First Nations and Métis also include themselves within this cultural-linguistic grouping[↩]
From Joy Gray, Malinda. 2017. Beads: Symbols of Indigenous Cultural Resilience and Value. M.A. Thesis, The University of Toronto, Canada.[↩]
Note: This is a revised and condensed version of an article we recently published in the Saskatchewan Archaeological Newsletter Quarterly, May, 2021 edition, regarding our search for the the Chesterfield House fur trade sites in Spring, 2021. Readers are referred to this edition of the Quarterly for a more detailed version of our findings.
Time and the Unknown
Ah, the mystery of the unknown! It’s one of the things that first drew me to history and archaeology. The thrill of discovering new facts, objects or places, lost or abandoned centuries ago. It didn’t matter if they were only minor footnotes in the bigger picture of human history.
One of the most rewarding and challenging experiences in my career was searching for the many lost fur trade posts in western Canada. The remains of some lay hidden in front of our very noses. Others, so remote and covered by nature, it took considerable effort or sensitive equipment to eventually find them. Still others guard their hiding places well, and to this day, elude discovery.
This is a story about a search for one of those fur trade post that has eluded us for many years – Chesterfield House. A search that began in the mid-1960s. But for me it began in c.2005 and continues to this day. Because no one has yet found Chesterfield House.
Searching for Canada’s Fur Trade Forts
In an earlier blog I talked about explorer and mapmaker David Thompson. One of the world’s most remarkable geographers and mapmakers. Thompson visited many western fur trade forts and wrote about them or mapped them. Often he left behind clues for us relocate them. Such as the NWC/HBC Fort Vermilion I (c1798-1830) site in northern Alberta. (https://canehdianstories.com/wp-admin/post.php?post=1894&action=edit)
In this post I focus on another lesser-known but equally competent trader, surveyor and mapmaker, Peter Fidler of the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). And in particular, his brief, and sometimes scary stay in southern Saskatchewan at the confluence of the South Saskatchewan and Red Deer Rivers where he would build his fort.
In the fall of 1800 Fidler built Chesterfield House for the HBC. Soon after the North West Company (NWC) built alongside the HBC post, followed by the XY Company. Many (including me) have searched for them but, to this day, they have never been found.
Peter Fidler
Born at Bolsover, Derbyshire, England, Peter Fidler (16 August 1769 – 17 December 1822) joined the HBC in 1788. He was trained in surveying and astronomy by Philip Turnor who also trained David Thompson. Fidler became the Company’s chief surveyor and map-maker, much like David Thompson for the NWC.
While acting as trader, explorer, and mapmaker, Fidler also observed and wrote about the Indigenous peoples of the region. He married a Cree woman and learned Native languages to carry out the trade. Occasionally he convinced his Native informants to draw maps of their territories for him. Today these are some of the few surviving Native maps of western Canada (see a former post on the Ki-oo-cus map of southern and central Alberta. (https://canehdianstories.com/wp-admin/post.php?post=266&action=edit). His journeys, largely undertaken in western Canada, covered an estimated 48,000 miles on horseback, foot, canoe and dog team.
Fidler’s superiors admired his toughness and fortitude. For example, while traveling and wintering with the Chipewyan in northern Alberta and the NWT, a near-starving Fidler mentioned what parts of a game animal they ate to stay alive: “We eat everything except the manure.”
Fidler had some incredible adventures as a trader and explorer for the HBC. A few could have ended his life. One of these adventures required constructing a fur trade post on the Western Canadian prairies. He built the fort with the intent of trading with Plains First Nations peoples. After only a few years, Fidler and the other Companies abandoned their forts, barely escaping with their lives.
Where did the Companies Build?
For many years I heard about the mysterious Chesterfield House(s) and attempts to find them. All searches ended in failure. But why? How could three forts of considerable size, just disappear, without a trace, in the valleys of the Saskatchewan and Red Deer Rivers? Or perhaps, as some researchers suggested, had those waters already swallowed them up leaving no trace behind?
In 2005, while visiting and hunting in the area, and intrigued with the lost Chesterfield House, I too joined the search.
As with other similar searches, nothing is ever as simple as it first appears. This quest was no exception. It has taken me since 2005 to finally piece enough evidence together to make the modest claim that I might have a candidate where these fur trade forts were built. And I, like others before me, could be totally wrong.
Let’s start our search with Fidler’s Chesterfield House HBC journals (1800 – 1802). In them he gives only a few but very specific references to the fort’s location.
Fidler gives the latitude of the south bank of the Red Deer River where he intends to build: 50o, 55’, 5” (50.9222o). Fidler’s latitude calculations were quite accurate. Longitude was not. But, if we take Fidler at his word, we really don’t need longitude because Fidler gives us a fairly precise east-west reference point where he built the fort – the confluence of the two rivers.
While rereading Fidler’s published journals (for the umpteenth time) this spring, I noticed at the end of the 1800-01 trading season a note by the editor: “[Meteorological and Astronomical Observations, made at Chesterfield House, covering 15 manuscript pages, not printed]” (From Alice Johnson 1967:268. Saskatchewan Journals and Correspondence 1795 – 1802. The Hudson’s Bay Record Society, Volume XXVI). I wondered if Fidler gave a more accurate reading of latitude and longitude for Chesterfield House in those unpublished notes. Fortunately I was able to get hold of a copy of his original journal, including the missing 15 pages.
Yes, indeed. Fidler gives two readings for latitude at Chesterfield House: 1) 50o55’12” (50.920o); and, 2) 50o55’21’’ (50.9225o). Both readings are relatively similar to his original north riverbank reading recorded at the confluence of the two rivers where initially he wanted to build. Had they been significantly different then it might suggest he built elsewhere (than right at the confluence).
Next I looked at a few historic maps of the area. One map shows the location of Chesterfield House, marked by a dot, on the north side of the South Saskatchewan River, some distance downriver from the forks. But Fidler stated, “…opposite the mouth of the Red Deers River where we are to build…”
Then I found another map drawn by both Fidler and his Blackfoot informant, Ak ko Wee ak in 1802. Does the straight line across the Red Deer River, with Chesterfield House’ written on it, indicate where the fort was built? If so, it was built upriver from the confluence of the two rivers.
Unfortunately no one, while searching for the forts, has taken the Native maps or Fidler’s latitude reading of the forts location very seriously. Keep in mind, Fidler was a very accurate surveyor for his day, especially when it came to calculating latitude. His readings were out by about 15 seconds of latitude, or +/- 450 metres.
If we ran his latitude for Chesterfield House as a straight straight line across a current map, assuming about 15 seconds (~450m) of error (shown by orange dashed lines on either side of the black line), where might the fort(s) be located?
Another little hint, where the Chesterfield forts might have been built, was a comment in Peter Fidler’s journals. “Dug up the small bateau that was laid up in the spring: the heavy rise of water in the summer had buried it four feet deep in sand.” (From Alice Johnson 1967:268. Saskatchewan Journals and Correspondence 1795 – 1802. The Hudson’s Bay Record Society, Volume XXVI). Presumably the boat was near the fort. If so, it suggests the fort was located on an inside meander of the river, where flood sediments are deposited. Instead of the outside meander where high water cuts away the bank.
We haven’t looked for these forts at all the possible places that are within Fidler’s range of error for latitude. And there are reasons for it. This is large area filled with dense wolf willow scrub and wild rose bushes that is not too pleasant to walk through, or find things. And Fidler’s reference to the forts being built at the forks of the rivers has perhaps been taken too literally. Would the London Committee reading his journals really care if he built a mile or two either way of the forks?
To add yet another obstacle to our search, not everything historical in this area is related to the early 19th century fur trade. This area was occupied and traveled over for thousands of years by First Nations Peoples. It became an important Metis settlement, Riviere La Biche, in the 1870s and 1880s, which would have left physical remains similar to those present at earlier fur trade forts.
The Search Continues, Spring 2021
This spring (2021), when preparing this blog, I wanted a good satellite image of the forks area where Chesterfield House might be located. While doing so I noticed a long rectangle-shaped, light-colored outline on the satellite image.
After reviewing the historic documents, satellite images, and constructing arguments that this might be the lost Chesterfield House forts, the next step was to re-revisit the site and look for physical clues on the ground.
So, my wife, Gabriella Prager, also an archaeologist, and I drove to the Empress area in April to see what we could see. When I visited this same location in 2005, I saw some rock scatters and slight depressions. It was time to reevaluate what those features might be, relative to this new-found evidence.
Once there, we looked for depressions, pits, rocks or mounds or any other evidence that could indicate a human occupation. The surface of this area is quite undulating and uneven from repeated flooding and scouring over the years. Just how much sediment covers the original 1800 ground surface is uncertain without excavating. However, based on other floodplains of this vintage (e.g., the NWC/HBC Fort Vermilion I site, northern Alberta), there could be as much as one-half metre or more sediments covering the original land surface and the remains of anything built on that surface. Fidler’s description of the bateau buried in over four feet of river sediments is most telling in this regard. And that was just one of many flooding events since then.
When walking the area we noticed the ground was slightly elevated on the east and south sides. These elevated areas were likely responsible for the light-colored lines we saw on the satellite image. Normally, old stockade lines are slightly depressed, even after flooding. We did however also notice a few rock scatters and slight depressions with the rectangular outline.
What We Concluded
It would be folly to state, without first excavating and testing this area, that we have discovered the Chesterfield House sites. We first need to find certain kinds of other archaeological evidence to suggest that these features, and that intriguing rectangular satellite image, are related to the early 19th century fur trade, and not some later period Metis household: 1) footer trenches representing palisades; 2) early 19th century artifacts representing the time period in question; 3) more building remains confined to the rectangle; and, 4) considerable amounts of animal bone from both human consumption of wild game and making meat provisions for the trip downriver.
There are things about this site that are troubling and do not fit what I expect to see on the surface of the ground; if this were a historic fur trade fort. First is the lack of more obvious visible surface features such as chimney piles and cellar depressions. Second, is the lack of visible faunal debris, or any artifacts. Given the amount of meat consumed, animal bone remains are typically considerable at forts such as this.
To some degree, this lack of evidence might be explained by the amount of flooding that has occurred in the area. If substantial, it may have covered any historic remains with considerable sediments and infilling most depressions that would be cellars, privies, and refuse pits. However, at other fur trade sites abandoned for over 200 years and constantly flooded, we have observed more pronounced surface features than we see here. However, currently we know little about flooding episodes and depositional rate of sediments of the Red Deer River, which could be quite different from our northern rivers.
To be clear, without further investigations, what we (and others) have found is definite proof of a human occupation of some sort at this spot. Based on the historic evidence regarding Chesterfield House, this location is a suitable candidate for these early NWC, HBC and XY Company forts. But, that’s as far as we can go presently. The area warrants further archaeological investigations to either refute or verify our claim.
EndNote
For those of who you who are aspiring students of history or archaeology, there’s a simple lesson here. Combining the evidence from two disciplines (history and archaeology) usually results in a more complete understating of human history. Not always, but better two independent lines of evidence to examine a problem of history, than only one. And perhaps, with the new remote sensing imagery, more than only two disciplines is necessary to eventually find these rather elusive historic forts.
Note: This is a self-solve murder mystery story. All the information needed to solve it is in the story. It’s your job to find the murderer and state the reason you chose that particular person. The name of the murderer is in the story. You have one chance. Remember, no guessing. You have to tell me why you think it’s that particular person. The evidence has to be conclusive.
He was the fur press man. That was his job. First inspecting all the furs to make sure they were vermin-free and dry. Then squashing them into a compact bundle using the enormous fur press at Fort Edmonton. Once satisfied, he wrapped the bundle in oiled canvas, then tied it securely, so it wouldn’t get wet on the long journey from Edmonton to York Factory, Hudson Bay.
Now, he was the fur pressed man. Very flat and part of a bundle of furs sitting in the courtyard at Fort Edmonton. Bleeding.
Sarah, strolling by the fur press in the early morning light saw it first. Barely having time to scream, she fainted and collapsed. Isobel, seeing Sarah fall, rushed out to the fur press to help. Then she too saw it and also fainted. Andrew ran out to the ladies’ aid, saw it, bent over and threw up his breakfast.
Chief Factor, Ronald Jones, rushed out, saw it, exclaiming, “What a goddamned mess! Now who’s going to press the furs? LaCoine was our best man.”
His wife, Mary, right behind him, cuffed him on the back of the head. “Here we have a very dead man, Ronald. One of yours. And all you can think about is who will press the furs?”
“No, Mary. That’s not all I was thinking. I was also thinking how we’ll have to cook the books to make up for the loss of those bloodied, spoiled beaver pelts.” For his words he received another cuff from Mary.
Now everyone rushed out into the middle of the compound. Including the killer. The growing crowd was somewhat mesmerized as they stared at the gore. ‘Nice job,’ thought the killer. ‘Looks even better in the daylight.’
“How do we know it’s even LaCoine. I mean there’s not much to see. Look. His one eyeball is close to his …..”
“That’s enough Katherine. We can all see where his eyeball is lying.” Mary seemed to be the only one who was thinking clearly.
Katherine turned to the Chief Factor. “How do you know who it is, Ronald? He……., it’s totally unrecognizable.” She gave the Chief Factor a suspicious look. Only the killer might know who that was.
The Chief Factor bent down and opened one of the hands sticking out of the bundle. It was clutching something in the closed fist. He produced a shiny object, holding it up. A silver cross of Lorraine. He turned it over and there on the other side were the Montreal silversmith’s initials, JC etched into the silver.
“Must of been made by the Lord himself. Initials are identical.” The somewhat drawling, booming voice came out of nowhere. Everyone turned toward the man uttering what seemed, under the circumstances, rather crass words. There standing near them was a rather large man dressed in black. Perched on the stranger’s head was a black beaver felt top hat, of unusual style. Instead of a black band, a thin, red band circled the crown of the hat. He was inspector of the forts of the Western Territories for the honorable Hudson’s Bay Company. John A. Beeston.
“Well, Beeston, glad you showed up. This is now in your hands. You are an inspector after all.” The Chief Factor stepped away, wanting nothing more to do with this gruesome affair.
“I’m a building inspector. Inspector of forts. Not a detective of crimes. No, this doesn’t fall in my bailiwick. Look for someone else to deal with your mess.” Beeston then bent over to examine the severely squished body. He reached out and picked something off the corpse, quickly putting it in his pocket.
John Beeston was a tall, gangly-looking man. Upon first seeing him, people gawked at those enormous hands. And those feet. He seemed slow and awkward, with about as much grace as a lumbering elephant. Whenever people looked at his scarred face they imagined all sorts of things that might have caused them. Few had the courage to ask. Both his demeanor and size inspired both respect and fear.
Ronald Jones pushed his point. “Look at it this way, Beeston, it could have been anyone of us standing here who did it. Crushed poor LaCoine into a contorted bloody blob.” At his words, Sarah nearly fainted again and Mary felt a little light-headed.
“Beeston, you’re the only one here that’s sort of neutral. You have to take charge.”
“How do you know I’m neutral? I could have done it, same as anyone else.”
“What motive would you have had, Beeston? You just got here and don’t even know the man. You’d be my last suspect.” Those around the Chief Factor all nodded in agreement. The killer too liked the idea. Beeston didn’t look like the swiftest buffalo on the prairie. In his hands, which admittedly were rather large, the murder investigation would likely go nowhere.
“But, why would any one here kill LaCoine? He was just a ordinary worker. You have no obvious reason to harm the man.” Beeston, not realizing he was already beginning the investigation, looked around at those gathered. Most eyes were downcast, not wanting to meet his.
“Well, why are you all suddenly looking guilty. You, what’s your name?” Beeston pointed a large finger at an elderly looking man with graying hair and spectacles on his nose. “You, Sir, tell me what you know of this man.”
“Name’s Edward Sinclair, Sir. I’m the clerk of the fort. I keep the books.” Beeston simply stared at the man. ‘Well, a clerk who takes care of the books and a man who takes care of the furs.’ There could be some dark things going on there between those two. He would follow that up with further questions of this clerk. And have a close look at those books.
“So, tell me why would anyone press poor LaCoine here into a pancake?” Hearing those words, a few of the men, especially Andrew, looked like they were going to sick-up. Again.
Everyone, including the killer, remained silent. The only sound came from some restless shuffling feet.
Beeston patiently waited but no one spoke. “I see. It seems you all didn’t like this man – for various reasons, I presume.”
Not a word from anyone. Finally the Chief Factor broke the silence. “I’ll tell you now, Inspector Beeston, that he wasn’t very well liked by anyone. But, I don’t think he was hated enough to be murdered.”
“Well, obviously he was, Chief Factor. See, he looks quite dead to me.” To make his point Beeston lifted up a limp arm and let it fall. Someone had certainly hated LaCoine enough. Or needed to get rid of the man to hide something.
Finally a somewhat recovered Sarah blurted out, “All the women in the fort loathed LaCoine. Whenever he came near us he would pinch and grope us and tell us what he’d like to do to us in the dark when our husbands were away.” The women around Sarah then started telling stories about LaCoine. Some were truly awful. They had reason to dislike him. But to kill him. Was that enough?
And Beeston wondered. ‘Would a woman be strong enough to press a man to death.’ Then he glanced at Sarah and had his answer. ‘For someone so sturdy looking, she sure faints easily.’
The usually stoic fort Native interpreter, Bear-Child, piped up. “He hated us. Anyone who was Native or of mixed-blood. He thought himself better than us. He would often taunt me or the others, hoping to start a fight. He was a mean man. Especially when drunk which he was often enough. One night he fell in the river yelling for help. I didn’t go help. I hoped he would drown. But someone else heard and pulled him out.” A now shaking Bear-Child stopped. It was obvious he hated LaCoine with a passion.
Jack Smith, the fort cooper, an enormous man, almost Beeston’s size, spoke next. “You’re not the only one he hated. He detested the English even more. Kept reminding us we should not have won that bloody war down east. Said, he would get revenge on us some day. I, and others, didn’t much care for that bloody French blowhard.”
Beeston now realized that most of the women, those of mixed-blood and Natives, and English servants disliked this man. That was about the entire fort population. That left only the French Canadians. And those present weren’t shedding any tears.
Beeston sighed. This case wasn’t going to be easy. “OK, that’s enough for today. Let’s clean up this mess and take the rest of the day to calm down. Tomorrow I’ll start interviewing and questioning all of you again. I’ll continue until we can make some sense of this.”
“So, you’re taking on the investigation, Beeston?,” asked a relieved-looking Chief Factor.
“Yes, it seems so.” Beeston then strolled over to the fur bundle and with one enormous hand grabbed its ropes and walked off with the entire mess, making sure it didn’t touch his finely pressed trousers, toward one of the shops. “Well, come along, Chief Factor. Let’s have a closer look at the body for clues.”
“Me?,” sputtered Jones. “Surely, you can use one of my other men. I don’t need to be there to see this up close. I’ve seen enough.”
Beeston kept walking. And finally yelled back. “Bring your clerk, Jones. We need to record this properly for my report. Edward will do nicely.”
Both a sick-looking Edward Sinclair and Ronald Jones hesitated, but then reluctantly followed the inspector of buildings, into one.
…………………..
“You seem to know your way around dead bodies, Beeston. Something you want to share with me.”
Beeston only gave Jones an icy stare. Then he continued looking at what was left of LaCoine. Now straightened out, laying on a wood table in the trading room of the fort.
Edward sat in the corner taking notes as Beeston described details about LaCoine’s remains. He looked ready to pass out but managed to coherently write down what Beeston said.
“Someone very powerful must have done this. Look at him.” Jones too wasn’t feeling well either, looking at the blood and gore, now all nicely spread out.
“Why do you think that, Jones? This mess was caused by that fur press. With that press it wouldn’t take much strength to do this.”
“Oh, I guess not. That press could crack a rock if enough pressure was applied to the end of the pole. So, what happened, inspector?”
Beeston went over to the shattered head and pointed. “See this here, Chief Factor. There is a deep indentation on the skull caused by a blunt object of some sort.” Jones reluctantly bent over and yes there was a large indentation on the back of LaCoine’s head, which could not have been caused by the fur press.
Then Beeston strolled over to the man’s feet and his boots. “And see here, Jones, the dirt on the heels of his shoes. As if he had been dragged some distance.” Jones looked and yes, there was dirt on the boot heels and pants which seemed somewhat unusual from just walking. Dragging an unconscious LaCoine to be pressed would have taken some effort. LaCoine, in his former unpressed state, wasn’t exactly small.
“LaCoine was smacked on the head elsewhere then dragged to the fur press, perhaps still alive, and pressed into a nice little bundle, it seems. I noticed the heel marks in the compound near the fur press. They ended here at the trading store.”
“But, why no screaming, Beeston? Surely, if he was still alive he would have yelled.”
Beeston went back to the head. Opened the man’s contorted jaws. And pulled out a very large rag. “I guess, that’s why, Jones. Maybe he wanted to….”
Beeston was about to say more when the door suddenly opened and Father Broussard walked in. Unannounced. Had the good father been listening outside? Beeston wasn’t sure. “Evening gentlemen. Terrible, just terrible. I was at the scene by the fur press, but didn’t want to interfere. I want to pray for this poor man’s soul, one of my sheep.” The Father was wringing his hands, clearly in some discomfort.
Beeston causally asked. “And what kind of man was this sheep of yours, Father? Everyone paints him as having rather black fleece. Do you know anything that might help in the investigation? A murderer walks among us. We must find him. Or her.”
“I can’t divulge his confessions, Inspector. He was, however, a difficult, often troubled man. I had hoped he would find solace in the Lord our Savior. And perhaps learn to treat those around him with more kindness.”
Beeston only nodded. “Well, we’re done for the evening, Father. I’ll leave you with your crumpled sheep. In prayer.” A bewildered Father looked at Beeston, then at the remains of LaCoine. As his stomach started churning from the sight, he decided the prayers weren’t going to take too long.
Hearing Beeston’s words, Edward ran out of the store as if shot from a cannon. Thinking. ‘How can that Beeston be so cool and calm with that gory mess?’ Truly, there was something strange about the man. Building inspector? And that accent wasn’t British. Edward wondered who he really was. Best to be careful around that one.
………………..
Early next morning Beeston woke suddenly to screaming outside. For a few moments he didn’t know where he was. Everything around him looked unfamiliar. Then he remembered. Fort Edmonton. The screaming and shouting continued and then Beeston heard the footsteps running out into fort compound.
Beeston strode out of his room, stood on the Big House second storey balcony and looked down at the small crowd gathered around the fur press. There beside the fur press stood Father Broussard, Isobel and Katherine with their hands over their mouths, the French Canadian labourers, Louis, and LaFrance, and the fort tailor, John. Jack Smith was conversing quietly with the fort interpreter, Bear-Child, on the other side of the fur press.
Then Beeston looked at the fur press. Hanging between the large posts with a noose around a hooded head was what looked like a scarecrow. Beeston descended the stairs and walked towards the scene.
Chief Factor Jones came running up. “What is it? Oh, not again. Is it real or just some joke?”
Beeston first saw the blood oozing from under the hooded head. He reached up and pulled off the hood. And, there in all it’s gory glory, was LaCoine’s broken face, with his one eye, staring back at him. Everyone around gagged and gasped at the site. The killer wandered over, trying to look as sick and confused as everyone else. Followed by the cooks, Ted and Marie, who both had worried looks on their faces. And flour on their hands.
“Who would do such a thing?” asked Emily. “This is awful. He’s been murdered twice it seems. Our killer can’t seem to kill LaCoine often enough.”
Now Marybell and Martin were inspecting the scarecrow’s gloves which functioned as hands. Martin was just about to open the closed glove, when Beeston stepped in. “Don’t touch it. Let me look at it first.” Beeston bent over and examined the scarecrow’s hand and opened it, prying out a flat circular object. He raised it up and showed it to those gathered around.
“Here’s what he was holding? A 1MB piece.”
“Is it a clue for us?” asked Edward the clerk. “Is the killer leaving a message for us?”
“Perhaps,” sighed a perplexed Beeston. “Or perhaps he or she is misleading us by leaving these clues.” Beeston personally felt all these ‘clues’ were nothing but a smokescreen. And then while everyone was chatting and speculating on what the Made Beaver token meant, Beeston opened the other glove and removed something else, quickly slipping it into his pocket before anyone noticed. But the killer noticed. And smiled inwardly, thinking Beeston would be fooled by what he had found.
“What does it mean, inspector Beeston? It’s obviously a clue. First a holy cross and now a MB token. I can’t figure it out.” Chief Factor Jones looked as puzzled as everyone else by this supposedly new clue.
“I don’t know, Jones. Maybe it’s a clue. But why would the killer try to help us solve the murder? That doesn’t make any sense.” Beeston continued to muse in silence.
Finally Beeston spoke to the gathering. “Let’s clean this up and get LaCoine’s head back with the rest of him.” He looked around for help but the clerk Edward had already disappeared. In anticipation of being asked to help again. ‘Coward’, thought the now smiling Beeston. ‘Doesn’t like to be near the gore with those delicate clerk’s hands of his.’
Beeston went to remove LaCoine’s head from the scarecrow only to find it sewn onto the shirt and coat. He looked closely at the delicate, precise stitching. As if a tailor had done it. Or one of the fort women, many of whom were excellent at sewing and embroidery. Or a surgeon, with very skilled hands, accustomed to such work. And that 1MB token. Who would have access to those tokens other than the clerk and Chief Factor.
Finally he just picked up the scarecrow, head and all, and walked back to the store with it. Jones followed him. The others went back to their cabins or work.
“Can we lock that door tonight, Chief Factor? Obviously the killer is not intent on murdering this man just once.”
“After we’re finished here, Inspector, I’ll lock up. That should keep him safe until we bury his remains.” Jones was about to leave the inspector still thinking about this new turn of events and who might have done it.
Before he could, however, Beeston asked, “Chief Factor, do you have a surgeon or doctor at the fort?”
Jones thought for a moment before answering. “No certified medical doctor, inspector. Our tailor studied medicine before he joined the Company. He often administers medicine and does small medical things when necessary.”
“Thank you, Chief Factor.” ‘Interesting,’ thought Beeston. ‘A tailor who knows medicine. I’ll have to keep an eye on that John fellow. But, what’s his motive? Why would a tailor have reason to do such a thing? Twice.’
For the rest of the day Beeston interviewed the fort personnel. Some in their living quarters. Others while at their assigned tasks around the fort. By the end of the day he was no closer to finding the killer. It was never easy, but sooner or later the murderer would slip up and leave a clue. They always did. It was just a matter of time.
Then he thought about the two objects he’s removed from the body without anyone seeing them. Or, least he thought no one saw them. Two HBC officers’ pewter coat buttons with what appeared to be a beaver design on the face. He chuckled to himself as he looked at the buttons in his hand. ‘Beaver? Look more like pigs to me.’ Another clue? Or diversion? Did LaCoine’s killer put them there? Or perhaps someone else who wanted to implicate a person they disliked? He would check closely who had lost a button.
…………………….
That night Beeston set up a chair in the dark at the window of one of the cabins nearest to the fur press. He was certain the killer would return. It was now three in the morning and nothing had happened. Beeston needed to pee. As he headed to the privy he heard something behind him. He started to turn. But it was too late. The blow caught him in the back of the head and he went down like a ton of bricks.
The next thing he remembered was someone shaking him. “Beeston, are you alive? Wake up man. Are you OK?” Beeston opened one eye to see a blurry Chief Factor standing over him. His head hurt like hell. Slowly he tried to get up and finally managed to sit.
“I’ll live, Chief Factor. Just a lump on the head.”
“Jesus, what happened, Beeston? Have you been lying here all night?”
“No, just since about three in the morning. I went to the privy and someone came up behind me and smacked me a good one. That’s the last thing I remember. Good thing it’s spring. Or I would have frozen to death.” Beeston was now rubbing himself all over, trying to expel the early spring Edmonton chill of the night from his sore body.
“What were you doing out here at three in the morning, inspector?”
“I was watching the fur press. I had a feeling the killer would return.” Ronald Jones thought about that. ‘Maybe Beeston hit himself on the head to avoid suspicion.’ There was just something a little off about the man.
“Well, you were right about that, Beeston. He, or she, returned. Look over there.”
Beeston turned toward where Jones was pointing. There stapled to the fur press was a figure, dressed in LaCoine’s bloody clothes with a painting of his face for the head. The figure was punctured with about a dozen arrows, looking more like an oversized pin cushion than a man.
Around the figure stood a small crowd of fort workers, whispering among themselves and wondering what this meant. Emily, Marybell and Martin looked rather stricken. James, the blacksmith and Henry the carpenter looked curiously at the arrows. Ted and Marie didn’t know what to think. The killer looked at last night’s handiwork from a distance, before wandering out from behind one of the buildings to join those already gathered.
Beeston walked up to the clothed figure with the painted head, still rubbing the rather large lump on the back of his head. He looked at the painted face which had an uncanny resemblance to LaCoine. Who painted at the fort? Beeston would have to check his notes. Maybe there was a connection there.
He was about to leave when he happened to look down the arm of pincushion man. There tied to the left shirt sleeve was a small peculiar looking tubular bone object with linear incisions on it. Beeston looked closer and then took the object from the sleeve. With his exceptional memory, he turned and casually looked around and finally met the killer’s eyes, watching him.
Beeston pointed a large, meaty finger at the killer. “You! You did this, didn’t you. I saw this object in your cabin when I interviewed you yesterday. I’ll bet there aren’t many like it in the fort. Where were you last night? The nights before?” Beeston barely finished his sentence when the killer suddenly bolted, bursting through the crowd and running toward the fort gates. With the good Inspector Beeston of the honorable Hudson’s Bay Company in hot pursuit. Beeston, suddenly looking as agile and quick as a deer, had finally found his killer.
…………………
Now, with the information in this story, you should be able to identify the killer.
Do not judge, or you too will be judged. For in the same way, you judge others, you will be judged, and with the measure you use, it will be measured to you. (Mathew 7:1)
She was a young woman. Quite beautiful except for her now tear-streaked face. Sitting in her chair by the large hearth, wringing her hands in grief and sorrow, screaming hysterically. “That bastard! That rotten, inconsiderate cold-hearted bastard! Leaving me, like this. Where is his compassion, his conscience?”
Her mother looked on with concern and unease, trying to think of something to say to console her distraught daughter. “Well, at least the child will be looked after when born. And he found you another partner to care for you.” After hearing them, her words sounded hollow. Her daughter continued wailing, hoping somehow that it would undo what could never be undone.
……………………
Peace River, Canada 1823
George Simpson, now Governor of the Northern Department of the Hudson’s Bay Company, was bundled up in his toboggan barely visible under the furs. It was a cold, bright sunny day. His dog team, along with two others skimmed over the ice of the Peace River at breakneck speed, towards the little HBC post of Fort Vermilion.
Simpson loved adventure. Especially travel. And to do everything fast. This was almost more exhilarating than taking the freight canoes through the river rapids with those seemingly never-tiring French Canadian voyageurs.
He watched the barking and chorusing sled dogs straining on their harnesses. Occasionally the wolves along the shoreline joined in, creating an eery cacophony of sound up and down the river valley. There was nothing like a good dog team to get you from one place to another in the northern winter. Horses, at this time of year, were useless.
Simpson’s face felt numb from the cold, but he was mostly warm and comfortable in the toboggan. Except for his feet. No matter how many pairs of socks he put on, his feet froze in his leather boots. A rather poor choice of footwear for northern Canada.
The men and the dogs had not eaten properly for three days. Simpson pushed the pace, severely fatiguing everyone in the party. “I hope their fireplaces are hot, so I can thaw out my bloody feet. They feel like blocks of ice,” muttered Simpson to no one in particular.
The new Governor was a brilliant administrator and manager of people. Born in Scotland, in 1786, out of wedlock and raised by an aunt, Simpson was new to the country and the fur trade. To be successful, he was bound and determined to see what he ruled, first-hand.
“Where are we John? I see nothing but endless snow, ice, and trees. Are there animals here, humans?”
His Metis dog team handler, John, was running beside the team, dressed in thin layers of clothing, as if this was a mild spring day. He managed to say a few words and still maintain his pace. “Around the next bend up there and we should see Fort Vermilion, Governor.”
“Jesus, John, how in the hell would you know that? Every new bend looks like the last one we came around.”
John had already answered hundreds of similar questions. Simpson had an incredible sense of curiosity and energy. “That’s my job, Sir, to know every bend of this river, so we don’t end up in the middle of nowhere freezing our asses off and starving to death.”
Simpson’s laughter shot clouds of hot breath into the air that instantly froze. He made a mental note about John, which he would later write down in his employee ‘Character Book’: ‘A good man, simple, hardy and forthright.’ And, Christ could the man run, seemingly for miles with his dogs, never tiring or complaining. In fact, he seemed to be enjoying himself as much as Simpson.
Simpson noticed there was a bit of friendly competition between the dog team handlers. Proud of their skills, and their dog teams, they pushed one another to the limits of endurance. Suddenly the men stopped their teams just before rounding the bend. They decked out the dogs in fine blankets, and standing irons with bells, ribbons and colored thread attached to them, before heading to the fort.
“Why the name Fort Vermilion, John? I thought this was called LaFleur’s Post.”
“When the Canadians were in charge it was called LaFleur’s post, Sir. But Colin Campbell, the clerk now in charge, renamed it after the red paint that the local Dunne-za make from the local earth and stone. And the vermilion paint we use for the buildings and the trade.”
Finally, the teams rounded the bend of the river. And there in the distance sitting on the edge of the west bank, stood Fort Vermilion, the visible part of its buildings brilliantly lit red in the sunlight. ‘OK. So that’s where it gets it’s name. The red fort!,’ thought Simpson.
“John, why the red paint? That’s a lot of work and waste of money.”
“The Natives like it, Sir. It demonstrates prosperity and prestige. They put high value in it.” Simpson always marveled at the lengths his traders went to impress the Natives. ‘Well now that we control the trade these excesses must stop,’ he thought.
The dog teams pushed the pace even harder as they neared the fort. The Governor put his money on John’s team. His man wasn’t about to lose the race. They had traveled ten days from Fort Chipewyan. Nearly 300 miles. ‘Incredible, just incredible!’ “Faster John, faster…”
…………………………………..
Colin Campbell sat by the fire, awaiting the governor, contemplating his future. As clerk, in charge of Fort Vermilion, he was writing his annual report. His prospects were grim. The fort was in bad repair, the palisades rotting and falling over, and some of the buildings needed to be replaced. While the bright paint covered the blemishes, the place was rotten on the inside.
Campbell was nervous, having trouble focusing on his report. What would the new Governor think of the fort? Or of him? He was a former North West Company man, having served at English River and recently at Fort Dunvegan further upriver. Born in 1787, Campbell was no older than the man who he was about to meet. What he and his colleagues wondered was how Simpson had become Governor, having virtually no experience in the fur trade, or knowledge of the country.
Campbell’s Metis wife Elizabeth, three daughters and his son, were with him. She was in her early thirties, quite striking. Through marriage with Elizabeth (McGillivray), Campbell was well placed in the former North West Company. Promotion was relatively quick. But, now this merger with the British changed things. Marriage and relations in the new Company mattered less. It seemed competence and hard work mattered more.
Elizabeth saw the look on her husband’s face. “You worry too much Colin. You are hard-working, competent and a good leader. These are all things the new Governor admires.”
“Well, I hear things, Elizabeth. The new Governor is tough. Old Company family connections no longer matter. I hear he carries a large book with him with the name of every employee in it, their worth, and what he intends to do with them.”
Elizabeth left him to his writing, shaking her head. But, she too heard rumors of a different kind, that were equally alarming. Especially if you were of Native descent, and a woman. The man already had reputation. While she feigned surprise at her husband’s concern, she realized they had to be careful. The all powerful ‘Emperor of the Plains’, as some people were already calling him, held their future in his hands.
Campbell returned to his journal and continued writing. There was so much to worry about:
“The advantages of this place are very few over any other except it is that ground is Tilled for our Gardens and being a critical place for the Natives to bring in their find.
The disadvantages rise from the exhausted state of the country in Larger Animals which renders it very difficult to procure Fresh meat upon which the people of the establishment have been hitherto chiefly fed.”
There was loud knock on the door. Campbell got up and went to the door, thinking about how much had changed since he had come to the Peace country. What would the new Governor think?
He opened the door and one of his men stood there. “He comes, Sir. We see the dog teams in the distance on the ice. Should we load the muskets and give him a loud welcome?”
“Yes, let’s give Mr. Simpson a hearty northern welcome. Well, as hearty as we can muster without a proper cannon to really shake the valley.”
Simpson saw the people lined up along the bank, looking down at his party. Suddenly the men pointed their muskets in the air and sent off a volume of gun fire whose sounds echoed up and down the valley. There was shouting and laughter as the teams came to a halt beneath the bank. They were warmly greeted by everyone.
“Welcome, Sir. I hope you had a pleasant enough trip, although the journey is long and arduous.” Campbell helped Simpson out of his toboggan. Simpson, and the men with him, looked haggard and hungry. The man could barely walk on those frozen feet of his. The dogs seemed content enough, but they too were suffering from the lack of proper food and rest. A few were a little foot-sore.
“Campbell, good to see you. Is there ever enough food in this country? I’m famished.”
“One of the scourges of this country now, Sir. However, Sir, we have gathered enough food to make sure you and the men will get a proper meal and provisions to get you up the river. The Canadians chose this place wisely. When all else fails, we have enough produce from the gardens, especially potatoes, to survive.”
“Thank you, Campbell.” Simpson’s eyes wandered around the little fort, sizing up the employees. Campbell noticed that he was eying the women as he talked to the men. As soon as they looked his way he turned away. He disregarded them, as if they did not exist. ‘Strange,’ thought Campbell. From what he heard, the Governor had affairs with Native and Mixed-blood women. There were already rumors of illegitimate children.
Across the fort, Landrie’s, Grigoni’s, Piche’s, and Errand’s wives watched as the Governor talked to their husbands.
“Bit of a stuck-up prick, isn’t he,” remarked Isobel, Louis Landrie’s wife. “Can’t even come over here and say hello. What’s his problem anyway?”
“I hear he does not favor Company men taking wives and having them live at the forts. And, he has no use for Native or mixed-blood women, except of course to bed them whenever he pleases. Then he gets rid of them. A real piece of work, that one!” Sarah, Francois Piche’s wife, was a fiery one. Her beauty hid well that fierce temper of hers. Which had once led to throwing her husband off the riverbank because he gotten too drunk.
“We could ignore him and not serve him food or help him,” retorted Isobel. “That would show him the importance of women here.”
“Perhaps,” exclaimed Sarah. “But it might also make him look unfavorably on our men, and that would not be good for their future with the Company. We must be careful not to displease him. I understand he writes down the characteristics of his employees in a large book. To remind him about their abilities and future with the Company.” Not only was Piche’s wife beautiful, but highly astute about their dilemma.
“And look at those boots he wears. At this time of year? I’m sure his feet are frozen solid. That must be extremely uncomfortable if not outright painful.”
“How long is he staying”?
“Not long,” explained Elizabeth, who had just joined the women. “Three or four days at most. Once rested his party will continue upriver to visit the other forts.” Elizabeth too had felt the Governor’s coolness toward her, although he seemed to have little trouble watching her when she was not looking.
“Where is he staying Elizabeth?” Sarah seemed more than a little curious about the new Governor.
“He has a cabin to himself. Just off our cabin and trading room. Sufficient space and a fireplace as well.”
“Perhaps an opportunity will arise where we can pay our regards to the new Governor. Without putting ourselves or our men under his suspicions.”
Elizabeth turned and spoke, a worried look on her face. “Or, better yet perhaps we can show the new Governor how valuable we are to the Company. Let’s sew him a pair of winter moccasins so he doesn’t freeze his feet. If we work together, we should get them done before he leaves.” She looked expectantly at the others, who nodded in agreement.
………………………………
Simpson sat by the fire in his cabin reading Campbell’s annual report. As he read, his thoughts wandered to the fort women, and his latest little tryst with Mary. Well, he’d cleaned that mess up, but it would cost him. The child had to be taken care of. It was worth it. He couldn’t be tied down with a wife and child, so this way was for the best. It was slightly awkward, but no one would dare challenge him.
Simpson returned to Campbell’s report, still thinking about the women he met today. ‘I wonder which one will warm my bed?’ He would ask Campbell about that and put a little pressure on the man. Where was he anyway?
There was knock on Simpson’s door. After a few seconds, without waiting for an answer, in strode Campbell holding two cups and a bottle of brandy. He pulled up a chair by the fire and sat down, eying the report in Simpson’s hand. And also, nervously glancing at Simpson’s open character book on the table.
“Evening Sir. I see you have been reading my annual report.”
“That I have Campbell. A well thought out piece of work, and while I share your concerns, I have some of my own. But that can wait. What have you mind for the coming days?”
Campbell had talked to Elizabeth about Simpson’s stay. They needed to keep his mind on the trade, not the women. Things could get out of hand and some of the women were scared. Except Sarah. She had that gleam in her eye. Like the time she threw her husband off the riverbank. And that also scared the women.
“Well Sir, I thought we would go out to the hunting camp, so you can see the country firsthand and how hard it is for our hunters to acquire game.”
Simpson nodded seeming less than enthusiastic. “Yes, Campbell, a good idea. It gives me first-hand knowledge of the state of the country.”
“And Campbell. Make the necessary repairs to the fort, as you suggest in your report. It looks a little ratty up close despite that paint. Some of these buildings are ready to fall down on your heads.”
“And one last thing Campbell. What about these women running around the fort? Are any of them from the Native bands? Marriage to such women would greatly benefit the trade. The Canadians used that strategy all the time.
“Sir, the Dunne-za do not share their women with us, or with the Canadians before us. They are reluctant to form alliances.”
“Then bribe them with more trade goods. These alliances are integral to our relationships with these people. No wonder they don’t work for us.”
Campbell nervously cleared his throat. “I will do my best, Sir, but I seriously doubt it will work.”
Simpson frowned. “I suppose Campbell but try to keep the costs down as much as possible with the married women at the forts. We can’t have women and children eating up the profits. And, are there any free women at the fort? I could use a ‘little brown’ right now. After all it’s been a long journey, Campbell. Maybe one of the men’s wives is free, if he were at the hunters’ tents? It’s your job, Campbell to look after my needs. Is it not?” As Simpson talked he was casually tapping his fingers on his character book.
Campbell did not miss Simpson’s less than subtle threat. This was what he was afraid of. “It’s late tonight, Sir. Perhaps tomorrow something can be arranged.”
Simpson idly nodded in agreement, but he was not pleased. The little Emperor was flexing his muscles and living up to his name. There was nothing Campbell could do to stop it.
Campbell was shocked by the governor’s words. What he had heard seemed to be true. Simpson considered Native and Mixed-blood women nothing more than alliance makers and bed warmers and treated them accordingly.
Simpson sensed his clerk’s unease but seemed untroubled by it. “Now, one more good shot of brandy and a long pipe of tobacco, Campbell. Then I think it’s time to conclude the business for tonight. If we are to hunt tomorrow I need a good night’s sleep. What say you?”
Campbell said little, visibly relieved that tonight a calamity had been avoided. But what about the next few nights? He sighed, grabbing the bottle of brandy and poured a liberal quantity into their cups. Then he lifted his cup, “To the trade, Sir. May it prosper under your guidance.”
They smoked and drank in silence, each contemplating the other’s words. And each wondering what the next few days would bring.
……………………………………….
It was dawn. The mercury in the fort thermometer had disappeared in the glass bulb. The smoke from the cabin chimneys hung in the morning air, as if frozen in place. The fort’s inhabitants began to stir.
Sarah, assigned to the care of the Governor, was in his quarters, starting the fire in the hearth. His breakfast sat on the table.
Simpson, still in bed, opened one eye and looked around. The other was frozen shut, having teared up during the night. His vision was giving him trouble again. He liked what he saw through his open bedroom door. Even with one eye. She was quite lovely. That Campbell had come through after all. ‘I’ll write a good note about him for this,’ thought Simpson.
Outside Louis Landrie’s wife, Isobel, was just going by Simpson’s cabin to fetch some wood, when she heard the shouting. Then suddenly, a red-faced Sarah came storming out of Simpson’s cabin. Next came Simpson, stepping to the door, half dressed.
“What happened Sarah? You look quite distraught this morning.”
“It’s nothing Isobel. The Governor was not too pleased with his breakfast. I explained, in rather forceful terms, that this was not London, and I couldn’t find any freshly made meat pies.” With that Sarah, hurriedly walked away to her cabin with an unbelieving Isobel worriedly looking after her.
‘A little testy,’ thought Simpson. ‘But they all come around when I threaten them about their husbands’ future with the Company. What does her husband do anyway? Probably just some half-wit French Canadian labourer.’ Then Simpson saw another one of the fort women looking at him, and hurriedly closed the door behind him.
……………………………………………..
While Simpson and Campbell journeyed to the hunting camps with their dog teams, the women met. The chatter was light as they worked on Simpson’s winter moccasins. But Sarah seemed distant and in deep thought. “What’s wrong Sarah?”, asked Elizabeth. “Worrying about your man in the woods. I wouldn’t. He knows what he is doing.”
“That’s not the man I am worried about, Elizabeth.” She told the others about Simpson’s behavior at breakfast. “What am I to do? He is the governor after all. Any ill-intent toward him and I may get Francois into trouble. I’m stuck in a very disagreeable spot.”
The other women continued working, but now with concerned looks on their faces. Elizabeth tried to reassure Sarah. “Well, he’s only here for a few more days, and then we will be rid of him. Hopefully for good. But, in the meantime what do we do? How do we keep him from making more advances on Sarah?”
“I told him I would make his supper tonight. I had too because he threatened to write some nasty things about Francois in that bloody book of his.” Sarah seemed ready to explode.
The other women considered Elizabeth’s question. “Well, I’d like to cut off that all-too eager pecker of his. And feed it to the dogs. Maybe he could have an accident. Fall down the riverbank and hurt himself. You know how dangerous that bank is in the winter. One wrong step and away you go.” Isobel was always the brave and rather brazen one in the group.
“No. We must put him out of commission, but not harm him. Put him in a spot where the last thing he will think about is chasing women.” Elizabeth looked around the group for ideas.
“Maybe we could lace his food with something to make him sick. That would stop him in his tracks. He’d spend most of his time in the outhouse, where he belongs.” Sarah looked expectantly at the group.
Finally Elizabeth spoke up. “No. These men are already weak. The last thing the Governor needs is to be shitting himself for the next few days. He has a long journey ahead of him. I have a better idea. We will give Mr. Simpson a true Fort Vermilion send-off.” She gathered the women around and in a rather hushed voice told them her plan.
……………………………….
Simpson was exhausted. Just back from a day’s hunting with the men. His feet were frozen again. He sat by the fireplace trying to thaw them out. ‘How on earth do they survive in this county? Brutal! Just brutal.’ He now understood better the hardships these people faced.
There was a knock on the door. ‘Ah,’ thought Simpson, ‘Maybe a little comfort after a hard day’s work.”
Before he could answer in stomped Sarah with his supper. She began to prepare it on the hearth. She said nothing, barely even looking at the Governor.
Simpson asked, “Do you have a name? What do I call you? What is your husband’s name? I understand he is at one of the hunting camps?”
Sarah took her time answering. This was the hard part. Would he check? No, she thought. He has other things on his mind. “Marie, Sir. My husband’s name is Ignace Lavallee, from Lachine, Quebec.”
The Governor nodded. So far so good. He would write that name down in his book. Say something flattering about the man. Supper was ready and they ate mostly in silence.
“Well, let’s have a bit of port then. Perhaps then we can get to know one another better.”
Sarah shuddered. ‘Oh God, help me. I hope he falls for this.’
Suddenly she began to giggle. Seemingly at the Governor. Simpson looked up in surprise. “What is it Marie? Is something wrong? Are you amused by me?”
Sarah became slightly coy. “Nothing Sir. It’s just your teeth…”
Simpson rose slightly embarrassed and fetched a mirror. Yes. There was some food sticking to them and they were a slightly reddish color. ‘Must be the port,’ he thought.
“If you’ll excuse me for a second, I’ll just freshen up a bit and clean my teeth.” He went into his bedroom.
It was dark in the room and in his haste, the Governor did not light a candle. He knew where everything was that he needed.
Simpson was a fastidious man, in both clothing and personal hygiene. Because of his vast traveling he was exposed to new fashions and methods of keeping one’s self looking the part of the Governor. Well groomed and clean. He had just acquired a few fine new bone toothbrushes, with stout boar’s hair bristles, before he left for his journey.
Simpson searched for his cup of water, his toothbrush and toothpaste, applied the toothpaste to the brush and started to brush his teeth. The paste seemed a little more gritty than usual, but Simpson was tired. And eager to get to know this Marie better. As he brushed he relished what was about to come.
‘There that should be better.’ He took the mirror and looked at his teeth. And there to his horror, a face, with bright red lips and red-stained teeth, stared back at him. His teeth now looked like the walls of the fort.
Simpson cursed and rushed into the main room. It was empty. ‘Marie’ was nowhere be seen. He let out a litany of curses before he sat down and opened his book and began to write a new entry:
Ignace Lavallee: A disagreeable man, drunk most of the time and not fit for the trade. Should not be promoted and dismissed at a convenient time.
Simpson cursed again. That name sounded vaguely familiar. He failed to remember that this ‘Ignace’ was already retired. He looked in the mirror and began to wash his mouth. But the more he rubbed the more the pigment spread. The stuff would not come off.
“Oh damned stain, thou doest not come off….” He swore and rubbed some more but to no avail. Finally giving up he went to his cold bed without a bed partner to keep him warm.
George Simpson, Governor of one of the largest business enterprises on the continent, and one of the most powerful men in North America, had been ‘Ochre’d’!
………………………………….
The next day the Governor stayed in his quarters, feigning sickness and fatigue. His fine bone toothbrush was ruined. He had thrown it into the trash heap, behind his quarters, near the fort gate. He fortunately had packed two others for his trip. He didn’t feel sick or anything. Just embarrassed.
‘That bloody woman. How had she done this’? But, he had no proof and could not confront her. And then all ideas of confrontation completely left him when he saw her husband. The man just returned with a load of meat from the hunting camp,’Marie’ by his side. Effortlessly hefting two enormous quarters of bison onto his broad shoulders and walking to the glaciere to store them. ‘No, best not rile that one up,’ thought Simpson.
……………………………..
The next morning dawned. Again, it was crackling cold, the ice on the great river groaning and snapping. The men and dog teams and were ready to depart, waiting for the Governor. Simpson, dressed and packed, left his quarters, walked out the fort gates and down to the river’s edge. Almost everyone had come out to see him off. He seemed subdued. Not exactly his normal ‘charismatic’ self. A large wool muffler was tightly wrapped around his face, hiding everything but his eyes.
Simpson looked around, as if searching for someone. The so-called ‘Marie’ was nowhere in sight.
Just as he was about to get into his toboggan, Elizabeth, with a few other women approached the Governor. “Sir, I hope your stay at the fort was comfortable and informative. I hope that all your needs were taken care of to your satisfaction.” Simpson thought he saw some of the women smirk a bit at this last comment. He said nothing.
Elizabeth went on. “We noticed on your arrival, that your feet were freezing. To help you in the coming days and weeks we have sewn you a pair of winter boots, so your feet will no longer freeze.”
With those words, Elizabeth handed Simpson a fine pair of knee high, fur-lined leather moccasins, with double-thick soles. They were beautifully decorated with glass beads and delicate colored stitching. But what was most striking about them, was the red pigment that had been worked into the leather. Ochre.
Simpson simply nodded.
Elizabeth spoke again. “Please accept these moccasins as a gift from the women. We like our guests to leave with something that reminds them of Fort Vermilion. What better gift than a touch of ochre, to remind you of this place.” Elizabeth was barely able to hide her laughter.
She watched as Simpson, face covered with his muffler, put on the boots. ‘A touch of ochre indeed, Sir. Which you will be spitting out for a few days,’ thought Elizabeth. Colin Campbell gave his wife a sideways glance but said nothing.
Simpson, although his mouth covered with the muffler, recovered from his surprise and addressed the women. “I will forever remember the women of this fort and the contributions they make to the trade. Especially these red-stained winter boots.” ‘Along with my red-stained mouth.’ With those words, he got into his toboggan, and the teams started up the river, towards Dunvegan. Five days more heavy sledding. But no more cold feet. John and the other dog drivers broke into song as they streaked down the vast frozen river.
Once out of sight of the fort, Simpson smiled but then quickly stifled that smile, remembering the color of his mouth and teeth. He grabbed a handful of snow as they trekked along, putting it in his mouth under his scarf and rinsing. ‘Damn! That was my finest toothbrush too.’ Hopefully, thought Simpson, by the time they reached the next fort the ochre stain would be gone.
And yes. Another fort, another adventure and maybe there he would find a ‘little bit of brown’ to keep him warm. Some habits were just too hard to break for someone of his stature and power.
……………………………………
Fort Dunvegan, Five Days Later
The Governor, tired from the long journey, but now with warm feet thanks to his new moccasins, was sitting at his table in one of the fort quarters. Still thinking about Fort Vermilion and his run-in with that woman, ‘Marie.’ He opened his large character book and was about to write something about Colin Campbell when he noticed an entry of unknown handwriting:
George Simpson: Brilliant administrator, leader, energetic and adventurous. With feet as cold as his heart. Needs to improve his social skills with the opposite sex.
And then, at the very end, a final entry:
Therefore, let us stop passing judgement on one another. Instead, make up your mind not to put any stumbling block or obstacle in the way of a brother or sister. (Romans 14:13)
Simpson cursed loudly, ripping out the page and throwing his book on the floor in anger. A curse so loud it was almost heard at the small red fort downriver.
………………………………….
Endnotes
James Fennimore Cooper (The Last of the Mohicans) wrote that history, “…like love, is so apt to surround her heroes with an atmosphere of imaginary brightness.” The story of Mr. Simpson has two sides. He did great things. He did bad things. Historians and historical fiction writers have written about both.
While this is a story of fiction, it is based on certain facts. George Simpson was an adventurer and brilliant administrator. He led the Hudson’s Bay Company to heights never achieved before. He traveled extensively where he seemed in his best mood. He occasionally suffered from depression and had trouble with his eyes.
He was also a notorious womanizer, having at least five illegitimate children in England and by Indigenous women in Canada. He was cold and indifferent toward Native women, treating them with little respect or regard.
Simpson did have a character book in which he kept a record of the many Company employees under his rule. Their habits, skills, usefulness to the Company and whether they warranted promotion. He did visit Fort Vermilion in 1823, then under the command of Colin Campbell, staying a few days before continuing upriver. He was knighted in 1841 for his involvement in John Franklin’s polar expeditions. He died in 1860 and is buried in Mount Royal Cemetery, Montreal, Canada.
I often wondered about the origins of Fort Vermilion’s name. Did it come from the local ochre the Dunne-za used? Was it the Vermilion paint the Company brought in to trade with them?
Occasionally the traders would put a slip of whitewash or some other color on the mud chinking or logs of fort buildings. The iron content in the local silts and silty-clays, used to make chinking often have a natural reddish hue to them. Below is some chinking from Boyer River Post, just downriver. After being fired it became quite red. The clay chimneys at Fort Vermilion would have eventually turned reddish from the heat, perhaps giving the fort a similar appearance.
Whenever I read Simpson’s journals (and those of other early explorers), it is obvious where the racial intolerance toward Indigenous peoples originated. Simpson was a product of his times. Those in power used race and gender to further their larger socioeconomic agendas. Inequality in the fur trade was often dictated along those lines and in early Canadian society. The taint of those attitudes and perceptions towards others, so deeply embedded in Canadian history, will not be easily removed.
In a former blog I talked about Historical Fiction as a possible genre to personalize historical facts. I continue in that vein with another short story. What happened at a remote late eighteenth century Canadian, Saskatchewan River fur trade post when the brandy supplies kept disappearing? The story is based on North West Company’s clerk Duncan M’Gillvray’s Fort George journals, John McDonald of Garth’s memoirs, and archaeological investigations at the fort site in the 1970s. Our main man, chief trader Angus Shaw, faces a problem. Pilfering. By his men. How does he deal with it? Read on and find out.
The Story
Fort George, Alberta, 1793
One of the fort Engages rushed into chief trader Angus Shaw’s rather spacious private quarters in the Big House, sitting on the high banks of the North Saskatchewan River. Before Shaw could ask what the man wanted, the words came tumbling out.
“They’re here Sir. And there must be a least two-hundred of them.”
“Who’s ‘they’ LaFrance? The King of England and his court? Quit talking in riddles man. Speak English.”
“Blackfoot, Sir. Wanting to talk and trade. They insist on a meeting and gifts first.”
“What the hell are they doing here this late in the fall?” Shaw stood up from his chair, walked around a bit, considering what to do.
“Well, they’re here. Can’t just turn them away. Break out the tobacco and brandy, LaFrance, and invite their principal men into Indian Hall. Keep the others out.” Shaw knew he had to accommodate them or lose the trade to his neighbors at Buckingham House.
“Buckingham House,” he snorted. “Where does the HBC come up with those damned names?” Then he considered his fort’s name, ‘Fort George’. ‘Not exactly fitting for the Canadian wilderness either,’ he thought. He waited for his men to finish preparations and LaFrance to return. He was still deep in thought when the door opened letting in the drafty cool fall air. And a little more.
“Close the door LaFrance. You’re letting in that awful stench. What is that anyway?”
LaFrance answered dutifully. “It’s from the butchering sir. We’re starting to fill the ice pits with meat for the winter, to make pemmican for the spring brigades.”
“Well, it smells God-awful. I’m glad winter will soon be here so that stench won’t be as bad. Are we ready for the meeting LaFrance? You look a little pale.”
LaFrance was standing there, trembling. “Sir the high wines are almost all gone, and what’s left tastes more like water than brandy.” LaFrance quickly looked at the door, as if getting ready for a rapid escape. He knew Shaw was going to blow his lid.
And LaFrance was right. Shaw lost it. Completely! He hurled his clay tobacco pipe at the mud wall, breaking it into little pieces. He kicked a chair, sending it flying LaFrance’s way. His Cree country wife, Marguerite, came running into the room to see what was wrong. She took one look at the scene, then quickly left.
“How in the hell can that be? The brigades just got back from Montreal two months ago and we’re already low on liquor? This is a disaster LaFrance. I’ll have to borrow more from our neighbors at an exorbitant price, of course. But not now, let’s give the Blackfoot what we have and hope it’s enough.”
After Shaw partially regained his composure, LaFrance tentatively ventured some more information. “Well Sir, about what happened. The lock on the storage cellar was tampered with again. It seems someone broke in and helped themselves to some drink.” LaFrance was stammering now, looking quite guilty, as if he might somehow have been involved.
“Some drink? The lock was tampered with? How so, LaFrance?”
“Well, smashed into little pieces, Sir.” Again the Engage looked quickly away, steadily backing toward the door. “I think Sir, we’re ready. The principal men are gathered in the Indian Hall and await you.” He turned and hurried out the door.
As Shaw walked toward the Indian room to meet the Blackfoot principal men, he thought about his not so little dilemma. He knew without alcohol, he would lose the trade to his competitors. ‘This is happening to often. Those god-damned French Canadians. They drink and party endlessly and could cost me a small fortune if this keeps up.’
Then in a more sober moment of thinking, he reluctantly admitted: ‘Well, even though they are some of the worst scoundrels around, they’re the best canoe men, carpenters, and labourers in the Canadian west. And, maybe it wasn’t them. Some of my officers aren’t exactly angles either. I’ll just have to build something to keep everyone out of the Company stores, and hide the liquor.’ He left and walked into the Indian Hall, cordially greeting the Blackfoot principal men.
…………………….
“Early this morning ten young Blackfoot came in for tobacco for a band who were to arrive later; sent, as usual, six inches to each principal man. They arrived at noon and pitched their tents, each party near the gates of their own trader. Gave them liquor as usual, one pint of Indian rum to each principal man, and they began to drink.” (from the journals of Alexander the Younger, Fort Vermilion (on the Saskatchewan near Fort George, November 12, 1809; Coues 1897:571)
They all sat and smoked, and prayed. Then one of the Blackfoot men took a sip of his brandy, blanched, and spit it all over the wood hall floor. He looked at Shaw in disgust, a deep scowl forming on his face. He spoke to Shaw’s translator, who turned a lighter shade of red.
“So, what did he say, Blanchet?” Shaw already knew but listened anyway.
Blanchet reluctantly told Shaw, while the principal men were fidgeting, as if preparing to leave. “He says this stuff tastes like horse piss, and not brandy. Next spring he’s taking all his furs to the Hudson’s Bay Company. They have good brandy there. And, he asks what that terrible smell is outside? Smells worse than a buffalo jump in the summer.”
“Tell him we had an accident with the brandy. It fell into the river on the journey up the Saskatchewan. Got a little watered down. Tell him I’ll compensate him with extra tobacco and more brandy next spring if he brings his furs to us. As to the stench. Tell him not to trade us bad meat anymore.” Blanchet translated, and the Blackfoot reluctantly sat down again, still grumbling among themselves and giving Shaw nasty stares.
Shaw stared back, thinking. ‘They will go next door anyway, to see if the HBC has a better offer, as soon as they are done here.’
The next day, the Blackfoot traded a few wolf skins and left. LaFrance came rushing up to Shaw. “Sir, the good news; they left. The bad news; with half our horses.” This time LaFrance was already out the door before the litany of curses came rushing out of Shaw’s mouth.
Shaw looked through the open door into the fort courtyard. ‘Jesus, can it get any worse than this? I’m stuck in this shithole with these drunkards for the rest of the winter. And now I have to deal with a bunch of very belligerent Natives next spring. Who keep stealing my horses, then trading them back. And this stinking meat. I’m going to get sick.’
As the events of the day went through his mind, Shaw noticed a large black plume of smoke across the river in the southwest. ‘Great! And to top it all off, they set the prairie on fire as a farewell.’ It was before noon. He was about to pour himself a stiff brandy anyway. He stopped short, realizing they didn’t have any left.
…………………..
“They [Hudson’s Bay Company] allowed us the free use of the well for some time, but at last, apprehensive of its drying up also….from the quantity taken from it by so many for all purposes, Mr. Tomison, a powerful man, refused to allow us further supplies….Mr. Tomison would not listen to any reason, indeed I had little to give him — but that if he would not give us our wants that either of us must pay a visit to the bottom of the well.” (from the memoirs of John McDonald of Garth, c.1795, Fort George, Alberta, in Morton 1929:lxii)
A few days later John McDonald of Garth was brought into Shaw’s quarters, barely standing. Kind of wobbling. “So, what the hell happened to you McDonald? Christ, you look like shit.”
McDonald, scarcely able to speak, finally got a few words out. “Well, Shhiir, I met with that scoundrel Tomison and his men at the well and I beat them up pretty badly.” Garth burped, then wobbled, having trouble keeping his feet.
Shaw looked on incredulously. They were already indebted to their neighbors for the liquor and now this man got into a fight with the HBC – about what? Water? There was a whole bloody river flowing before his eyes and John fought over the spring water supply closer by?
“Well, by the look of your face McDonald, you really put a scare into them.” Shaw remained stoic, reluctantly waiting for John to speak. He occasionally exaggerated when he told his stories. Especially when drunk.
“I did my best sir. Shhoowed them who is boss of the water, I did. They didn’t want to share the well, but I thought otherwise.”
“And, where exactly did you manage to get a hold of so much liquor, man?”
“Private stocks,” mumbled McDonald, before nearly tipping over.
Shaw just stared at his soon-to-fall-down officer in astonishment. ‘God, please help me. I’m surrounded by idiots.’ He eyed McDonald disparagingly, thinking: ‘Well maybe he’ll suit my purposes. He owes me after this little incident.’
…………………
Next spring, after all the engages and voyageurs left for Montreal, Shaw took McDonald aside and explained his plan for a new cellar for the liquor. John nodded, fully realizing that if he failed Shaw, he was done with the Company. So, he and a few trusted men worked for months to build it.
That fall, after examining the large, fresh mound of earth beside the big house, Shaw eyed McDonald. “I hope you got it right, John. If you so much as mutter a word how this here was built, you’ll be buried in it. And worse, no more brandy.” McDonald nodded solemnly. ‘What could be worse than no more brandy,’ he thought.
“One more thing John. If my stocks start disappearing, I’ll be coming after you.” McDonald visibly grew paler at those last words, but said nothing.
Soon after, the men arrived from Montreal, their canoes laden with supplies and trade goods. Including lots of brandy and rum. Joseph was grunting and cursing, shouting out to Francois behind him, two ninety-pound bales on his back. “So, we paddle for two-thousand miles to get this stuff here and then we have to haul it up to the highest bank on the river. Why not build down along the river?” Francois said nothing, only grunted in return, trying to balance his equally heavy load. He was too busy thinking about all the brandy they would drink this winter.
Once inside their fort, the men looked around. Something was different. They looked toward the Big House. Beside it, a new building, of sorts. Just a large low mound of earth.
Pierre leaned over to Louis. “Is that a new cellar? Look how close it is to the trader’s quarters. Hard to pilfer the brandy stores when it’s that close.” They put the brandy barrels near the newly built mound and looked at the mound again. Strange though, no door.
Shaw came out of his house. He looked at his somewhat confused men. “Leave the liquor here, take the rest of the provisions to the stores.” His men nodded, looking back somewhat forlornly at the brandy and rum kegs.
Once they finished, Shaw gathered them again. Now they had tired-looking puzzled faces. His men knew something was up. But what? “Gabriel, break out a barrel for the men. Let’s celebrate after the long journey.” Shaw turned, leaving them to their revelry. And soon they were falling down drunk, having already forgotten about the new mound beside the trader’s house.
Next morning the brandy barrels in front of Shaw’s House were gone. The men walked around the compound, still a little drunk and perplexed. Thinking, barely. Now focused on only one thing. ‘Where did the brandy barrels go?’ They looked at the strange mound by Shaw’s house again. No entrance. Anywhere.
Shaw sat in front of his house, smoking his pipe, watching his men. There was a look of satisfaction on his usually stoic face. He took a sip of his brandy and toasted those closest to him. “To your health Pierre, men.” Pierre only spat in return. The rest, including McDonald, only glared. Shaw only smiled in return, relishing his private stock of liquor. Not even the smell was that bad when your private stock was safe.
……………………….
Fort George, Alberta, 1978.
Harry Reed and his crew were excavating parts of the Big House at Fort George, probably the residence of Angus Shaw and his country wife. And a large subterranean structure beside the Big House. Even though it was a hot Alberta afternoon along the river, everyone was happy. This was a great fort site. As he would later learn, maybe one of the best, and most complex, he would ever excavate.
“Jay, what did you find in that big storage cellar?”
“Well, all pretty normal. It’s a wood cribbed subterranean structure with the roof coming down to the ground. Poles, with bark and sod roof. Kind of a root cellar with a roof, probably all covered with sod.” Harry looked at the sketch Jay gave him, then at Jay, and the somewhat concerned look on his assistant’s face.
“And, what else, Jay?”
“It doesn’t have an outside entrance. We’re missing something Harry.”
Harry stared at Jay. Maybe a little too long. He hated these situations. Because you kept digging until you found out why the building did not have a door. Even if it took all summer. Chasing one little fact for countless hours. Was it worth it? Who really cared if you added that fact to the historic record. He did.
Harry looked at Jay again, wondering if he was getting too much sun. “A building without an entrance. Ridiculous, Jay.” Jay looked at Harry and knew immediately what he was thinking. ‘Find the damned entrance. Even if if takes the rest of the summer.’ So, they went to work.
A few weeks later, the project now almost over, the two men sat talking, drinking their beers, overlooking the large excavated storage cellar and parts of the Big House. “So, why would he do that, Harry? Did he want all the brandy for himself?”
Harry thought for a moment, took another swig of his beer before answering. “He didn’t trust his men I guess. Not with the liquor. That was the only way he could control the supplies. And those brass spigots for casks we found down there certainly hint to liquor storage.” They sat in silence pondering their somewhat unusual find.
Fort George, 2015
The little boy, holding his father’s hand, read the interpretive sign overlooking an enormous hole in the ground at the Fort George site. “Why would the trader have a secret passageway from his house into this cellar dad?”
“Maybe he didn’t trust his men, son.”
“But what if the archaeologists hadn’t found this passageway?”
“Then, son, I guess we might not know as much about the relationship between the boss and his men.”
“But what if it doesn’t mean that at all dad? Maybe the trader was too lazy to go out in the minus forty degree winter night and get some brandy? So, he had the men build a passageway to the cellar from his quarters.”
The father looked thoughtfully at his boy. “I agree. Except for one thing. There was no other entrance, except through his quarters. I don’t think he wanted his men traipsing through his private quarters all the time. And he didn’t want them in that cellar. Looks a little suspicious to me, son.” They walked off, still a little puzzled, to read another interpretive panel at the site.
Author’s Note
For many years I thought about the peculiar storage cellar and its even stranger entrance at Fort George. Although we looked for an outside entrance, the evidence was sketchy. The concealed tunnel from Angus Shaw’s Big House to the storage cellar was real enough. Below is a sketch of the fort showing the location of the cellar and the entrance into the Big House. The cellar excavation was incredible. The roof had collapsed into it and was almost completely intact. Poles, bark and all. For me it was one of those rare archaeological moments.
Interpreting what we found, however, was the most difficult part of all. Obviously Shaw wanted a private entrance into his stores. But why? Was the little boy right? Simply for convenience? Or, because of the social distance and distrust between North West Company Scottish traders and their mostly French Canadian/Metis labourers? Other differences, including clothing, housing and food, and type of labor, also separated the Company officers from their men.
As is often the case, there is no definitive proof or one answer here. All too common when dealing with either the historic documentary or archaeological records. This story represents one of those possibilities.
References
Coues, Elliot (editor). 1897. New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Company, and David Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the Same Company, 1799-1814. Volume 2. Ross and Haines, Minneapolis.
Kidd, Robert S. 1970. Fort George and the Early Fur Trade in Alberta. Provincial Museum and Archives of Alberta, Publication No. 2.
Masson, L. R. (editor). 1890. John McDonald of Garth Autobiographical Notes, 1791-1816. In Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-ouest: Recits de voyages, lettres et rapports inedits relatifs au nord-ouest Canadien. Volume 2. De l’imprimerie generala. cote et cie, Quebec.
Morton, Arthur S. (editor). 1929. The Journal of Duncan M’Gillivray of the North West Company at Fort George on the Saskatchewan, 1794-5. MacMillan, Toronto.